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Throughout Antiquity and the Middle Ages, thinkers understood nations as communities defined by common language, culture, and descent, and sharing strong bonds of belonging and solidarity. Even so, they did not assume that nations would also be appropriate units of government. The recovery of this historical understanding, in turn, yields valuable insights for contemporary political dilemmas. Nations Before the Nation-State offers the first extended study of the idea of the nation in ancient and medieval political thought. It recovers a pre-modern conception of the nation as a cultural and linguistic community, rather than a political association, and examines better means for thinking about nationhood. Offering a historic perspective from which to address challenges of nationalism, this book engages with debates on multiculturalism, liberal nationalism, and constitutional patriotism and argues that contemporary political dilemmas can be resolved more organically by recovering modes of thinking that have resolved similar tensions for centuries

Die Entwicklungen bis zum neunten Jahrhundert hatten dazu geführt, dass von den Menschen, die das Reich der Karolinger organisierten und beherrschten, dafür verantwortlich waren, eine Reihe von sozialen, religiösen und politischen Veränderungen herbeizuführen. Das vorliegende Werk widmet sich diesen Transformationen während der ersten Jahrzehnte des neunten Jahrhunderts, als das Reich noch vom Optimismus seiner Oberschicht geprägt war. Dabei wird keine neue große Analyse angeboten, sondern auf der Grundlage der reichlich zum Thema vorhandenen Detailstudien eine neue Interpretation der zeitgenössischen Wahrnehmung von der Verbesserung des eigenen Verhaltens einerseits und der institutionellen Reformen andererseits vorgelegt. Das Buch zeigt das Ausmaß an Reflexion, das die Träger der karolingischen Reformen aufwiesen - immer mit der Leitfrage im Kopf, was einen guten Christen in einem guten, christlichen Reich ausmacht. ; By the early ninth century, taking responsibility for aseries of social, religious and political transformations had become an integral part of running the Carolingian empire. This book takes a fresh look at these transformations during the optimistic first decades of the ninth century. Extrapolating from a series of detailed case studies rather than presenting a new grand narrative, it offers new interpretations of contemporary theories of personal improvement and institutional reforms, and shows the self-awareness of its main instigators as they pondered what it meant to be a good Christian in a good Christian empire.

International audience ; This paper asks the question whether the various divinatory arts, or more specifically the magic arts, constituted part of the scholarly culture that the encyclopaedists of the second third of the thirteenth century intended to disseminate through their compilations (in particular, the Speculum doctrinale et naturale of Vincent of Beauvais, since these form two third of the biggest encyclopaedia of the time). A few years prior to the circulation of the Speculum astronomiae (c. 1255) which lists all astrological works as licit or illicit, this cultural part, although not abundant, is still significant and representative of the culture of the time, for three reasons reflecting three points of view. Firstly Encyclopaedia have as objective the transmission in the form of quotations (excerpta, flores) of any kind of authoritative works useful,be these ancient or modern, written in Latin or translated from Greek or Arabic, theological or philosophical. Secondly, Encyclopaedia perpetuate (through Hugh of Chartres, the Decretum Gratiani or Hugh and Richard of St-Victor, or contemporaneous legislators such as Raymund of Peñaforte), the Canon law judgements concerning former condemned divinatory practices. Thirdly, Aiming to explain the nature and properties of things, Encyclopaedia also convey the concept of "nigromancia" as a "science of [natural] properties", according to scholars connected with Arabic medicine (such as Petrus Alfonsi or Michael Scot). In doing so, they opened the way towards consideration of works that collect "natural" properties – such as collections of Experimenta or astrological/magical virtues of the stones – as works of physics and as such, as having a certain degree of philosophical authority. ; Les différents arts divinatoires, ou plus spécifiquement les arts magiques, faisaient-ils partie de la culture savante que les encyclopédistes du 2e tiers du XIIIe s. ont voulu diffuser à travers leurs compilations ? En particulier, qu'en disent les Specula doctrinale et ...

International audience ; This paper asks the question whether the various divinatory arts, or more specifically the magic arts, constituted part of the scholarly culture that the encyclopaedists of the second third of the thirteenth century intended to disseminate through their compilations (in particular, the Speculum doctrinale et naturale of Vincent of Beauvais, since these form two third of the biggest encyclopaedia of the time). A few years prior to the circulation of the Speculum astronomiae (c. 1255) which lists all astrological works as licit or illicit, this cultural part, although not abundant, is still significant and representative of the culture of the time, for three reasons reflecting three points of view. Firstly Encyclopaedia have as objective the transmission in the form of quotations (excerpta, flores) of any kind of authoritative works useful,be these ancient or modern, written in Latin or translated from Greek or Arabic, theological or philosophical. Secondly, Encyclopaedia perpetuate (through Hugh of Chartres, the Decretum Gratiani or Hugh and Richard of St-Victor, or contemporaneous legislators such as Raymund of Peñaforte), the Canon law judgements concerning former condemned divinatory practices. Thirdly, Aiming to explain the nature and properties of things, Encyclopaedia also convey the concept of "nigromancia" as a "science of [natural] properties", according to scholars connected with Arabic medicine (such as Petrus Alfonsi or Michael Scot). In doing so, they opened the way towards consideration of works that collect "natural" properties – such as collections of Experimenta or astrological/magical virtues of the stones – as works of physics and as such, as having a certain degree of philosophical authority. ; Les différents arts divinatoires, ou plus spécifiquement les arts magiques, faisaient-ils partie de la culture savante que les encyclopédistes du 2e tiers du XIIIe s. ont voulu diffuser à travers leurs compilations ? En particulier, qu'en disent les Specula doctrinale et ...

"This fresh perspective on crucial questions of history identifies the root metaphors that cultures have used to construct meaning in their world. It offers a glimpse into the minds of a vast range of different peoples: early hunter-gatherers and farmers, ancient Egyptians, traditional Chinese sages, the founders of Christianity, trail-blazers of the Scientific Revolution, and those who constructed our modern consumer society. Taking the reader on an archaeological exploration of the mind, the author, an entrepreneur and sustainability leader, uses recent findings in cognitive science and systems theory to reveal the hidden layers of values that form today's cultural norms. Uprooting the tired cliches of the science-religion debate, he shows how medieval Christian rationalism acted as an incubator for scientific thought, which in turn shaped our modern vision of the conquest of nature. The author probes our current crisis of unsustainability and argues that it is not an inevitable result of human nature, but is culturally driven: a product of particular mental patterns that could conceivably be reshaped. By shining a light on our possible futures, the book foresees a coming struggle between two contrasting views of humanity: one driving to a technological endgame of artificially enhanced humans, the other enabling a sustainable future arising from our intrinsic connectedness with each other and the natural world. This struggle, it concludes, is one in which each of us will play a role through the meaning we choose to forge from the lives we lead"--

In the paper, we will study Olavo de Carvalho's thought, focusing on his position regarding Brazilian and American Black movement in its struggle for reparation in terms of colonialism-slavery-racism. We will argue that his refusal of any reparatory praxis to political-cultural minorities and his position of a non-place for Black-African traditions in the context of Western culture/civilization, as with respect to his defense of the inferiority of Black-African culture-civilization when compared to Jewish-Christian, Greek-Latin and Medieval-Renaissance tradition, is pervaded by a dualist metaphysics with a highly anti-modern and anti-modernizing character, in which the dynamic of streamlining of "human drama about universe and eternity" is constituted (a) by the struggle between natural necessity (Behemont) and individual consciousness (Leviathan), that can only be won by the correlation of divine grace given by Jesus Christ and personal direct and immediate interiorization and intuition by each individual with God; (b) by the refusal of politics, history and intersubjective action as basically materialism and, in this sense, as the sphere of totalitarian political ideologies (to which Enlightnment modernity is the biggest example); and, finally, (d) by the centrality of spiritualism, of intimate and direct relation between God and man, mediated by Revelation, which points to the non-existence, in the Olavo de Carvalho' thought, of objective parameters to rational discussion, interaction and justification - that is the reason of his delegitimation of science, politics, history and macro-structural institutional action, and his appeal to methodological, intuitionist and spiritualist individualism.

Herrschaft gelingt, wenn sie Vorstellungen über Gefühle bei den Beherrschten erzeugt. Nur so wird Herrschaft akzeptiert und ihr Loyalität erwiesen. Zu den Vorstellungen gehört, dass die Herrscher sowohl Schrecken verbreiten als auch Liebe gewähren. Die gegensätzliche Paarung und ihre Verbindung mit der Herrschaft wurden in Texten der Herrscherbelehrung, der philosophischen Überlegungen und der Herrschaftspraxis sowohl zur Kritik als auch zur Rechtfertigung der Herrschaft eingesetzt. Es gab Aussagen, die beide – Liebe und Schrecken – als Herrschertugenden einforderten; andere Aussagen stellten sie in einen deutlichen Gegensatz. Seit dem 13. Jahrhundert wurde zunehmend die Liebe als die Klammer des Staates vorgestellt. Hans-Joachim Schmidt untersucht die an Kontroversen reiche Diskussion während des Mittelalters.

Es bien conocida la definición aristotélica de ser humano como "animal racional", la cual se ha relacionado tradicionalmente con la atribución exclusiva de la inteligencia a la especie humana. Sin embargo, en Historia Animalium, algunos animales son descritos con capacidades que, en términos aristotélicos, son llamadas "disposiciones intelectuales" por medio de conceptos como phronesis, synesis, dianoia, techne, entre otros. La tradición interpretativa afirma que se trata de usos puramente metafóricos de estas expresiones. No obstante, en el presente trabajo, con una revisión cuidadosa de los pasajes aristotélicos, muestro que hay argumentos suficientes para conceder que Aristóteles reconoció inteligencia en sentido propio en algunos animales no-­humanos. En efecto, Aristóteles reconoció que varias especies animales realizan procesos cognitivos complejos para poder llevar a cabo comportamientos vitales exitosos, incluyendo la posibilidad de aprender de miembros de su propia especie y de otra. Esto conduce a cuestionar el salto que tradicionalmente se ha asumido como insalvable entre humanos y animales no-­humanos por cuenta de la definición aristotélica del hombre como "animal racional", y por lo tanto "superior", que la tradición filosófica ha pretendido adjudicar al estagirita. Propongo, en cambio pensar, en coherencia con el pensamiento aristotélico, que la inteligencia muestra una suerte de continuidad entre todos los seres sintientes. Así mismo, mi interpretación lleva a resignificar, en la propuesta aristotélica, las líneas que comunican a la biología con la ética y la política. ; Abstract: The Aristotelian definition of man as a "rational animal" is well known and generally interpreted as meaning that human beings are the only ones who are intelligent. However, in many of Aristotle's biological texts, specially in Historia Animalium, some animals are described as having habilities which, in Aristotelian terms, are called "intellectual dispositions". Such is the case of dispositions as phronesis, synesis, dianoia and techne, among others. The interpretative tradition holds that this is a metaphorical use of these expressions. However, in this work, through a careful review of Aristotelian texts, I will show that there are sufficient reasons for granting that Aristotle recognised intelligence in a proper sense to some non-human animals. Aristotle in fact recognised that several animal species carry out complex cognitive processes in order to succeed in their vital processes, including the possibility of learning from members of their own species and from others. This leads to question the traditionally held breach between species, by which the Aristotelian definition of human beings as "rational" and therefore "superior" has been attributed to the Stagirite. I propose, instead, and thinking in aristotelian terms, that intelligence shows a sort of continuity among all sentient beings. My interpretation also allows for a resignifying, within Aristotelian thought, the connections between biology, ethics and politics. ; Doctorado

"This first comprehensive anthology examining Jewish responses to exile from the biblical period to our modern day gathers texts from all genres of Jewish literary creativity to explore how the realities and interpretations of exile have shaped Judaism, Jewish politics, and individual Jewish identity for millennia. Ordered along multiple arcs-from universal to particular, collective to individual, and mythic-symbolic to prosaic everyday living-the chapters present different facets of exile: as human condition, in history and life, in holiday rituals, in language, as penance and atonement, as internalized experience, in relation to the Divine Presence, and more. By illuminating the multidimensional nature of "exile"-political, philosophical, religious, psychological, and mythological-widely divergent evaluations of Jewish life in the Diaspora emerge. The word "exile" and its Hebrew equivalent, galut, evoke darkness, bleakness-and yet the condition offers spiritual renewal and engenders great expressions of Jewish cultural creativity: the Babylonian Talmud, medieval Jewish philosophy, Golden Age poetry, and modern Jewish literature. Exile and the Jews will engage students, academics, and general readers in contemplating immigration, displacement, evolving identity, and more. "--

In contrast to the claim that refugee law has been a key in guaranteeing a space of protection for refugees, this book argues that law has been instrumental in eliminating spaces of protection, not just from one's persecutors but also from the grasp of sovereign power. By uncovering certain fundamental aspects of asylum as practised in the past and in present day social movements, namely its concern with defining space rather than people and its role as a space of resistance or otherness to sovereign law, this book demonstrates that asylum has historically been antagonistic to law and vice versa. In contrast, twentieth-century refugee law was constructed precisely to ensure the effective management and control over the movements of forced migrants. To illustrate the complex ways in which these two paradigms – asylum and refugee law – interact with one another, this book examines their historical development and concludes with in-depth studies of the Sanctuary Movement in the United States and the Sans-Papiers of France.The book will appeal to researchers and students of refugee law and refugee studies; legal and political philosophy; ancient, medieval and modern legal history; and sociology of political movements.

Hannah Arendt wrote that Martin Heidegger's reputation as a thinker and teacher during the early 1920s traveled throughout Germany "like the rumor of the hidden king." In The Young Heidegger, John van Buren offers a new reading of Martin Heidegger's youthful thought leading up to Being and Time (1927) and its subsequent development in his later writings. Part One deconstructs Heidegger's later autobiographical accounts of his early period, demonstrating that the philosopher's famous "turn" after Being and Time was in fact also a re-turn to his youthful thought. Part Two examines Heidegger's student years, showing the influences of Scholasticism, medieval mysticism, Neo-Kantianism, and phenomenology on his thinking during this period. Part Three focuses on Heidegger's early Freiburg period, sketching his project of demythologizing metaphysics and effecting the end of philosophy. Part Four traces the young Heidegger's anarchic, personalist formulations of his new postmetaphysical beginning. Van Buren employs Heidegger's youthful thought to work out strategies for demythologizing problematic aspects of his later thought (such as the eclipse of the personal Other, essentialism, ethnocentrism, genderism, and anthropocentrism) and to liberate its more radical countertendencies within contemporary debates

We tend to study fight books in isolation, which explains why it is so difficult to understand the precise place they occupy in the sociocultural and historical fabric of their time. By doing so, we may miss the many clues they contain about their owner, local society, and intended purpose. In order to unlock this information, we need to study them in their broader sociocultural and historical context. This requires background and research skills that are not always easily accessible to everyone. To illustrate the point, in this article we show in some detail what is required to make sense of the claim that Aristotelian philosophy and science influenced the medieval fight books in relevant ways, and that understanding this influence helps us to better understand the fight books per se. we give an outline of the general historical framework, and apply it to a test case: Talhoffer's Thott 290 2° Ms., with some interesting results. Our hope is that this framework may be of some use to other researchers in HEMA Studies who want to dig deeper into sources of interest to them.