Each vol. has also added t.p. of 1833 edition. ; "Nouvelle édition . augmentée de cinq articles sur le Mémorial de Sainte-Hélène, et de trois autres sur les Mémoires de madame la comtesse de Genlis.--T.p. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Eine chronologische Darstellung der Geschichte der klassischen Kulturkritik, die sich als Reaktion auf das neue Zeitalter und als "Reflexionsmodus der Moderne" seit ihren Anfängen in der Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts bis zu ihrem mit der Stabilisierung der Demokratie und der Etablierung der Konsumgesellschaft gesetzten Ende in der Mitte des letzten Jahrhunderts ausgebildet hat. Der renommierte und einschlägig hervorragend ausgewiesene Siegener Germanist und Kulturwissenschaftler G. Bollenbeck (zuletzt "Tradition, Avantgarde, Reaktion" (BA 5/00) untersucht die großen Entwürfe kulturkritischen Denkens von den entsprechenden Reflexionen der wegweisenden Vordenker Rousseau und Schiller an über die Gesellschaftsanalysen von Hegel, Marx und Nietzsche bis zu den Verfallsdiagnosen von Spengler, Adorno und Anders. Im Anhang zahlreiche Anmerkungen und ein Namenregister. - Eine fundierte, scharfsinnige und erhellende Rückschau auf die klassische Kulturkritik von der Aufklärung bis zur Kritischen Theorie.
The phenomenon of state-led development has been persistent throughout modern history and remains significant today. Latecomers in the world's development, from Russia in the 19th century to contemporary China, persistently resorted to the state as a developmental instrument in economic catch-up. Why did relatively 'backward' economies tend to take the state-led approach rather than following the free market model? Why did those latecomers that used the state as the main coordinator and had the bureaucratic capacity to do so modernize faster than other 'backward' economies? Finally, do the successful state-led developers have the potentials to take the lead in world's developments? Or under what conditions could they do so? These are the questions the book intends to answer. This book looks into the state-led development in the post-war period, offering a new perspective for interpreting the choice of the state-led approach by latecomers and the consequences of such choices.
Untersucht wurden 52 niedergelassene Hamburger Ärzte für Allgemeinmedizin und Innere Medizin bezüglich Einstellungen und Erfahrungen mit Übergewichtigen. Die tonbandaufgezeigten Arzt-Interviews wurden inhaltsanalytisch ausgewertet. Die Ergebnisse zeigen u.a. Defizite im Kenntnisstand der Ärzte hinsichtlich Genese und Therapiemöglichkeiten des Übergewichts. Von den Befragten wird Übergewicht vor allem als Risikofaktor als sehr wichtig eingeschätzt. Die berichtete Erfolgsbilanz von ärztlichen Maßnahmen fällt eher negativ aus, es werden dafür Motivationsprobleme der Patienten verantwortlich gemacht. Trotz eingestandener Ausbildungsdefizite sehen die Ärzte eine primäre Zuständigkeit für die Übergewichtsbehandlung beim Arzt, eine Einbeziehung von Psychologen und Diätberatern wird eher kritisch beurteilt.
Isaiah Berlin's humanistic liberalism is still an influential theory and an implacable antidote against extremism and fanaticism in all their guises. The author of this article notes that one of the main contributions of this theoretician born 100 years ago consists in gaining awareness that there is a multiplicity of values in plural societies which cannot be reduced to a single principle, or a universal permanent combination of values applicable to all individuals and all practical cases. However, Berlin's defence of value pluralism is in no way a gratuitous concession to relativism or scepticism. Without a doubt, there is a role reserved for reason in moral conflicts. However, "reasonable" discrimination between values is much more context-dependent, even on an individual scale, than what moral, political or religious "rationalist" conceptions assume.
This paper links different political liberal theories, considered from the perspective of their moral ontology, with federal democracies. After giving a brief description of these theories, I discuss their relationship with the theoretical and institutional models of federalism. As methodological tools, the paper introduces some Hegel's political concepts and deals with their potential application to the analysis of federalism, taken into account the case of minorities in multinational democracies. I postulate the need for a moral and institutional refinement of liberal-democratic patterns that is better able to accommodate national pluralism than has so far been achieved by traditional constitutionalism.
In this article, I firstly offer a synthesis of a brief set of analytical elements of the theory of democracy and federalism established in the recent debate which identify a number of flaws in the normative and institutional bases of plurinational democracies. It is necessary to overcome these flaws in order to achieve a true political and constitutional recognition and accommodation of the national pluralism of this kind of liberal democracies (section 1). Secondly, we will focus on the Spanish case of the "Estado de las Autonomías" taking into account the recent reform of the Catalan constitutional law (Estatut d'autonomia 2006) (section 2). A final section makes a number of concluding remarks relating the previously highlighted elements of the theory of democracy and federalism with the analysis of the Catalan case (section 3).
Este WP analiza la regulación del pluralismo religioso en las democracias liberales como uno de los aspectos mas destacados de la creciente multiculturalidad de las democracias actuales. Tras situar el liberalismo político como fenómeno surgido de las guerras de religión europeas de los siglos XVI y XVII (sección 1), se establecen ocho elementos analíticos para el estudio de los fenómenos multiculturales (sección 2) y tres modelos de "integración" política en las democracias de raíz liberal (sección 3).
In this chapter, after pointing out the different logics that lie behind the familiar ideas of democracy and federalism, I have dealt with the case of plurinational federal democracies. Having put forward a double criterion of an empirical nature with which to differentiate between the existence of minority nations within plurinational democracies (section 2), I suggest three theoretical criteria for the political accommodation of these democracies. In the following section, I show the agonistic nature of the normative discussion of the political accommodation of this kind of democracies, which bring monist and pluralist versions of the demos of the polity into conflict (section 3.1), as well as a number of conclusions which are the result of a comparative study of 19 federal and regional democracies using four analytical axes: the uninational/plurinational axis; the unitarianism-federalism axis; the centralisation-decentralisation axis; and the symmetry-asymmetry axis (section 3.2). This analysis reveals shortcomings in the constitutional recognition of national pluralism in federal and regional cases with a large number of federated units/regions with political autonomy; a lower degree of constitutional federalism and a greater asymmetry in the federated entities or regions of plurinational democracies. It also reveals difficulties to establish clear formulas in these democracies in order to encourage a "federalism of trust" based on the participation and protection of national minorities in the shared government of plurinational federations/regional states. Actually, there is a federal deficit in this kind polities according to normative liberal-democratic patterns and to what comparative analysis show. Finally, this chapter advocates the need for a greater normative and institutional refinement in plurinational federal democracies. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to introduce a deeper form of "ethical" pluralism -which displays normative agonistic trends, as well as a more "confederal/asymmetrical" perspective, congruent with the national pluralism of these kind of polities.
Global Justice has usually been understood to mean institutional and social justice (political and redistributive issues on a global scale). In contrast, issues involving different national and cultural identities, are usually marginal in reflections on global justice. This occurs despite the fact that human rights include political social and cultural rights. This paper links a conception of global justice, moral cosmopolitanism, with plurinational democracies. After giving a brief description of moral cosmopolitanism I go on to analyse notions of cosmopolitanism and patriotism in Kant's work and the political significance that the notion of "unsocial sociability" and the "Ideas of Pure Reason" of Kant's first Critique have for cosmopolitanism. Finally, I analyse the relationship between cosmopolitanism and minority nations based on the preceding sections. I postulate the need for a moral and institutional refinement of democracies and international society that is better able to accommodate national pluralism than has so far been achieved by traditional liberal constitutionalism and cosmopolitanism