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Abstract: The article analyzes the political and theoretical potentialof cinematographic language to express and rebuild the relationship between sexual and gender differences. As cultural products, the three films analyzed - A Casa Assassinada (1972), Sunday, bloody Sunday (1971) and Les Amities Particulières (1964) - allude to feminist issues of the time, as well as instigating a reading of gender beyond the narratives, by historicizing the visibility of the female body, heteronormativity, and the subversiveness of forbidden loves as represented through the films' structure. The text argues, from a queer perspective, that the aesthetic nature of twist cinema, within the limits of each style and period, was precisely the boldness to run risks in its visual grammar, not making political concessions in challenging the moral canons of current society.

The article analyzes the political and theoretical potential of cinematographic language to express and rebuild the relationship between sexual and gender differences. As cultural products, the three films analyzed - A Casa Assassinada (1972), Sunday, bloody Sunday (1971) and Les Amities Particulières (1964) - allude to feminist issues of the time, as well as instigating a reading of gender beyond the narratives, by historicizing the visibility of the female body, heteronormativity, and the subversiveness of forbidden loves as represented through the films' structure. The text argues, from a queer perspective, that the aesthetic nature of twist cinema, within the limits of each style and period, was precisely the boldness to run risks in its visual grammar, not making political concessions in challenging the moral canons of current society.

This article examines representation of workers in the 1970s films of the renowned Polish documentary filmmaker, Wojciech Wiszniewski (1946–1981), whose style is described as creative documentary. Wiszniewski is best known for questioning traditional socialist work ethics, as epitomised by the figure of a shock worker and his or her representation according to socialist realist aesthetics. In this way, his films make the viewers reflect on the difference between the 1950s and the 1970s, when they were made. I will consider Wiszniewski's representations of shock workers and ordinary people in films such as Opowieść o człowieku, który wykonal 552% normy ("A Story of a Man Who Filled 552% of the Quota", 1973), Wanda Gościmińska, włókniarka ("Wanda Gościmińska, A Weaver", 1975) and Stolarz ("The Carpenter", 1976) against the background of the Polish history and ideology of state socialism.

The chapter summarizes the complexities of categorizing postcolonial feminist filmmaking in either a chronological or a consistent geographical pattern. They demonstrate that the postcolonial as an optic can be applied to the dialogue between the political and the aesthetic in different ways. It is an approach that does not just privilege the issue of women behind the camera, or their representation on screen, but interrogates the visual language used, and the innovations introduced, that can also be used to reflect on productions of the past and how they speak to the present through a postcolonial awareness and deconstructive gaze. Identifying new visual registers that are not colonizing is important in order to account for how race, ethnicity, class, religion, and sexual desires can be articulated from new vantage points without losing the connection to different filmic traditions and political realities. Yet postcolonial approaches to film and feminism also signal the need to widen the palette by stretching the postcolonial optic to films that are made across a wider spectrum than the strictly postcolonial temporalities but that corroborate the understanding of patterns of domination and resistance linked to colonial and neocolonial dynamics, reading against the grain, and offering space for feminist interventions.

To walk through Islington, Camden and Hackney in the early 1970s was to walk along street after street of soot-blackened, late Georgian and Victorian terraces and villas, boarded up and left semi-derelict. In 1971 Greater London contained 23,100 empty dwellings awaiting demolition; 29% of this housing stock was built before 1875 and 67% between 1875 and 1919. By the middle of the decade, thousands of these houses had been reclaimed and repaired by squatters, a movement which re-emerged in the late 1960s and which, by 1976,was estimated at between 20-30,000 people throughout Greater London. This historic spatial configuration of the city allowed the social and political movements of the 1970s to flourish, as groups of like-minded people began to live and work in close proximity. For women, it enabled radical experiments in collective living and shared childcare and for some feminists, active in the women's liberation movement, it provided the framework for an extensive network of women-only housing, together with social and political spaces. This paper examines the origins of a community of women who moved in and squatted the streets surrounding Broadway Market and London Fields in Hackney during the 1970s . Through oral testimony, it uncovers the historical importance of this community to wider feminist politics in London, and the significance for women of taking control over their immediate built environment.

In the following paper, I will expand upon these legislative and organizational actions to assert the role of Black women in reproductive politics. I will be using the term 'Black' to describe the women and the organizations to ensure that African American, African, or any other identifying women involved in the movement are included in my analysis. ; Black Feminism in the 1970s: Community Organization, Achievement, and Reproductive Rights Activism Greta VanOsdol HIS-300 Senior Thesis May 16, 2016 Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Bachelor of Arts in History from Gustavus Adolphus College. Gustavus Student Repository - Thesis 1 Table of Contents I. Introduction 2 II. Background 4 III. Historiography 14 IV. Legislation 15 V. Organizations' Efforts 19 VI. National Organization for Women 21 VII. National Black Feminist Organization 24 a. Combahee River Collective 26 VIII. Black Opinions of Abortion 27 IX. Conclusion 32 Gustavus Student Repository - Thesis 2 "We believe that sexual politics under patriarchy is as pervasive in Black women's lives as are the politics of class and race. We often find it difficult to separate race from class from sex oppression because in our lives they are most often experienced simultaneously."1 Black women in the 1970s built a community through feminist organizations, educating other women on the availabilities of reproductive resources such as contraception and abortion due to their shared experiences and hardships. Black women have a unique relationship with reproductive rights due to a long history of forced sterilization and an inability to choose the time of pregnancy. Because of the lack of access to contraception and abortion, family planning was difficult for many women in the 1970s. Consequently, Black feminist organizations of the 1970s approached reproductive rights tentatively, aware that abortive procedures could turn into unwanted sterilization procedures.2 The 1973 Supreme Court case, Roe v. Wade, was groundbreaking in terms of ...