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The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

Résumé Dans le contexte de l'intégration européenne, la période allant du milieu des années soixante au milieu des années quatre-vingt est connue comme celle de l'Eurosclérose. Cette approche s'appuie sur le sentiment d'une stagnation de l'intégration durant ces années, principalement en raison du refus des États membres d'abandonner leur souveraineté et de la montée du protectionnisme face à la récession économique. La théorie intergouvernementaliste est vue de manière conventionnelle comme le cadre dans lequel on peut analyser cette période en se concentrant sur les intérêts propres des États. L'objectif de cet article est d'examiner de manière critique la période d'eurosclérose mais également la théorie intergouvernementaliste en tant que cadre permettant d'expliquer cette période dans le processus de l'intégration européenne. Cet article considère que, en se concentrant sur l'approche historique, l'analyse intergouvernementaliste de niveau super-systémique n'arrive pas à prendre en compte les facteurs sous-systémiques qui ont agi comme des forces motrices de l'intégration européenne. L'approche stato-centrée de l'intergouvernementalisme ne lui permet pas de prendre en compte les développements politiques sous-jacents qui se sont développés durant cette période. Ces développements, durant les années dites d'eurosclérose, furent à la base des futurs actes politiques majeurs de la Communauté européenne-Union européenne, tels l'Acte unique et l'Union économique et monétaire. Dans cette approche, cet article examine les processus de constructions institutionnelles qui eurent lieu durant cette période, à travers une analyse du Parlement européen, de la Commission européenne et de la Coopération politique européenne. Cet article analyse également la croissance de la compétence politique de la Communauté européenne, en particulier dans le domaine économique. Enfin, une analyse du rôle de la Cour de justice des Communautés européennes s'intéresse aux impacts politiques de ses principales décisions légales. Cet article conclut qu'il n'est pas seulement faux de parler d'une période de stagnation, mais également que l'intergouvernementalisme, parce qu'il n'était pas à même d'apprécier les dynamiques internes du processus d'intégration, ne peut être considéré comme un cadre adéquat pour analyser cette période.

L'article décrypte les principales caractéristiques de l'histoire des relations irano-saoudiennes. Une attention particulière est accordée au rôle que ces deux pays ont joué au sein de l'organisation des pays exportateurs de pétrole, les points communs et les différences dans leurs approches des pays importateurs et la nature de leurs relations avec les USA. Sur ce dernier point, l'article questionne la vision traditionnelle qui considère Téhéran et Riyad comme des pierres angulaires équivalentes de la politique des piliers jumeaux poursuivie par Washington dans les années 1970 qui s'appuyait sur les alliés les plus puissants pour la défense et la promotion des intérêts américains dans le golfe Persique. L'article se penche sur cette question au travers des éléments qui, hier comme aujourd'hui, sont au cœur de la relation entre Riyad et Téhéran: le pétrole et la quête de l'hégémonie régionale.

International audience ; The paper discusses the singular characteristic of the geography produced and taught university of Toulouse during 1970s. In terms of epistemology, geographers at university of Toulouse have indeed kept their distance from the "new geography", while in contrast, they proved themselves innovative and gladly critics on a social and political level. To enlighten this paradox, the author recounts the joint efforts of geographers and sociologists in the sixties and the May 68 revolution in the Arts faculty in Toulouse, followed by its implantation in Le Mirail area. From that time, to understand the peculiarity of the geography in Toulouse, one needs to understand the role of Bernard Kayser promoting contract research with regional governments as much as the dissensions among geographers themselves who were almost all politically left-voters.

International audience ; The paper discusses the singular characteristic of the geography produced and taught university of Toulouse during 1970s. In terms of epistemology, geographers at university of Toulouse have indeed kept their distance from the "new geography", while in contrast, they proved themselves innovative and gladly critics on a social and political level. To enlighten this paradox, the author recounts the joint efforts of geographers and sociologists in the sixties and the May 68 revolution in the Arts faculty in Toulouse, followed by its implantation in Le Mirail area. From that time, to understand the peculiarity of the geography in Toulouse, one needs to understand the role of Bernard Kayser promoting contract research with regional governments as much as the dissensions among geographers themselves who were almost all politically left-voters.

International audience ; The paper discusses the singular characteristic of the geography produced and taught university of Toulouse during 1970s. In terms of epistemology, geographers at university of Toulouse have indeed kept their distance from the "new geography", while in contrast, they proved themselves innovative and gladly critics on a social and political level. To enlighten this paradox, the author recounts the joint efforts of geographers and sociologists in the sixties and the May 68 revolution in the Arts faculty in Toulouse, followed by its implantation in Le Mirail area. From that time, to understand the peculiarity of the geography in Toulouse, one needs to understand the role of Bernard Kayser promoting contract research with regional governments as much as the dissensions among geographers themselves who were almost all politically left-voters.

This article analyses the emergence of an environmental policy of the European Communities (EC) in the 1970s in terms of the Europeanisation of the environment. Drawing on the conceptual literature on Europeanisation, three different types of Europeanisation are distinguished: first, Europeanisation as establishment of institutions and policy making at the EC-level, secondly, Europeanisation as the EC's impact on the member state, and thirdly, societal Europeanisation, as a process of establishing transnational cooperation of societal actors across the EC. The article disentangles the process of Europeanisation of the environment emphasising the beginnings of Europeanisation in the context of the Council of Europe and the take-over by the EC of policy ideas and principles from the international level. Furthermore, it addresses the rapid emergence of societal Europeanisation, notably by anticipating the European impact on member state legislation. Elaboré à l'échelle internationale, le concept politique d'environnement offre l'exemple rare du transfert d'un domaine d'action politique vers les Communautés européennes depuis d'autres internnationales. Cet article explore le processus complexe d' de la politique environnementale, comme un transfert à directions multiples d'un concept forgé dans les années 1970.