Suchergebnisse

The article analyzes the political and theoretical potential of cinematographic language to express and rebuild the relationship between sexual and gender differences. As cultural products, the three films analyzed - A Casa Assassinada (1972), Sunday, bloody Sunday (1971) and Les Amities Particulières (1964) - allude to feminist issues of the time, as well as instigating a reading of gender beyond the narratives, by historicizing the visibility of the female body, heteronormativity, and the subversiveness of forbidden loves as represented through the films' structure. The text argues, from a queer perspective, that the aesthetic nature of twist cinema, within the limits of each style and period, was precisely the boldness to run risks in its visual grammar, not making political concessions in challenging the moral canons of current society.

Describes the change in the Socialist Party from the 1970s and 1980s when it launched the "Third Wave" of democratization to the 1990s when it began to advocate a "Third Way" of pragmatism, centrism, and Europeanism; Portugal. Summary in English p. 283.

Abordagem histórica do surgimento das ONGs (Organizações NãoGovernamentais) no Brasil, na década de 1970, e de como, de modogeral,se (re) configuraram nos anos 90 do século XX. ; Analysis of the emergence of NGOs in Brazil in the 1970s and how, in general, theyrestructured in the 1990s.

This paper analyzes the evolution of the environmental policy of Brazil since the 1970s until the present days, giving data and explaining the goals of the country in this matter. As the largest holder of the biological riches of the world, with much of the Amazon, asserting itself as one of the most promising agricultural powers, with a strong economy and steady growth, Brazil has since 1990 pursued a fierce and ambitious environmental policy, being the emerging economy that has been most concerned about the issue. Adapted from the source document.

Social movements had great participation as an agent of political changes throughout the 20th century, it is from this articulation (especially in Latin America) that the perspective of interculturality strengths in the indigenous school education, which seeks to understand the school within the post-colonial inequalities. The Brazilian Indigenous Movement began to organize itself in the 1970s, with the Union of Indigenous Nations (UNI) playing a major role in the 1988 constitutional charter, which will underpin the educational rights related to the intercultural school within a specific social Project. ; Los movimentos sociales tuvieron gran participación como agentes políticos a lo largo del siglo XX, es a partir de esta articulación a nível latinoamericano que la perspectiva de la interculturalidade cobra fuerza dentro de la educación escolar indígena, que busca entender la escuela dentro de las desigualdades poscoloniales. El movimiento indígena brasileño comenzó a organizarse en la década de 1970, con la Unión de Naciones Indígenas (UNI) jugando um papel principal en la carta constitucional de 1988, que sustentará los derechos educativos relacionados con la escuela intercultural dentro de un proyecto social específico. ; Social movements had great participation as an agent of political changes throughout the 20th century, it is from this articulation (especially in Latin America) that the perspective of interculturality strengths in the indigenous school education, which seeks to understand the school within the post-colonial inequalities. The Brazilian Indigenous Movement began to organize itself in the 1970s, with the Union of Indigenous Nations (UNI) playing a major role in the 1988 constitutional charter, which will underpin the educational rights related to the intercultural school within a specific social Project.

Cidade de Deus is a housing complex built in the early 1960s to house residents of slums removed, mainly from Rio de Janeiro south zone. Since then, it has become one of the most famous city slums, having been the scene of an armed confrontation between local drug dealers at the turn of the 1970s to the 1980s. This episode had wide repercussions in the press of the time, having become the subject of a 2002 film with wide international repercussions. Thus, the objective of this work is to compare the journalistic coverage with the narrative of the film, understanding how the second can be considered a memory speech, from the differences of the representations present in each case.

Presented in his memory is an interview conducted in 1999 with Portuguese diplomat Jose Tomas Calvet de Magalhaes. Topics surveyed include his work with NATO in 1948 & 1949, the historical struggle for democracy in Portugal, the Portuguese elections of 1958, & his association with many of the leading Portuguese military & political figures of the era. The discussion then jumps ahead to the 1970s & the establishment of democracy in Portugal, with a focus on his associations with many of the leaders of the pro-democracy movement, including National Popular Action. The interview addresses the functioning of the dictatorship in its final days, including the political stance of the armed forces. The colonies are also discussed, with particular attention given to the independence of Mozambique & Angola. R. Young

Between the late 1940s and independence in 1975, rural Mozambican women migrated to the capital, Lourenco Marques, to find employment in the cashew shelling industry. This book tells the labour and social history of what became Mozambique's most important late colonial era industry through the oral history and songs of three generations of the workforce. In the 1950s Jiva Jamal Tharani recruited a largely female labour force and inaugurated industrial cashew shelling in the Chamanculo neighbourhood. Seasonal cashew brews had long been an essential component of the region's household, gift and informal economies, but by the 1970s cashew exports comprised the largest share of the colony's foreign exchange earnings. This book demonstrates that Mozambique's cashew economy depended fundamentally on women's work and should be understood as "whole cloth"

Can the history of higher education help us understand the causes behind philosophical controversies and the processes of intellectual change by which old intellectual styles are replaced by new ones? In this article, I relate the emergence of post-analytic philosophy in the United States in the 1970s to the reforms and resulting expansion of higher education in the second half of the 20th century, which affected philosophy as an academic discipline and as a profession. Taking as my point of departure Richard Rorty's reflection on the state of the discipline in the early 1980s, I show how his diagnosis of disciplinary crisis, stated in the form of a philosophical critique of analytic philosophy's theoretical and methodological assumptions, are the outcome of a longer and broader process of transformation of the institutional bases of the professional philosophical life in the United States.

Although its visibility was greatly enhanced by the 9/l1 attacks, the EU cooperation in the field of counterterrorism began in the 1970s. Then, as now, the rhetoric was much inflated & there was a marked gap between the politicians' rhetoric & the adoption of effective measures. The first section of this article traces the evolution of the European counter-terrorist cooperation & tries to assess the motives, as well as the limitations, behind the main initiatives. The second part examines the balance between the demands of the counter-terrorist efforts & the preservation of human rights & the rule of law. This is an issue whose relevance has become evident not only in domestic terms, but also in the field of the EU external relations. The EU policy towards the Mediterranean Arab states will help to illustrate these dilemmas. Adapted from the source document.

In recent decades there has been an exponential increase in large hydroelectric plants in Brazil, especially in the Amazon region. These large hydraulic structures impact the environment and the lives of people living in the places where they settle and require a special type of water governance. The dictatorial regime (1964-1985) created a "standard" for the construction of these great structures, through an institutional and legal framework, which benefited the Brazilian business elite but also, through the creation of a popular imagination, which shows itself lasting progress on the country's progress and development. The suspension of security, the fragility of institutional environmental structures, the disrespect for indigenous reserves, the lack of clarity about the concept of "affected population" and the non-payment of fair compensation were identified as one of the main challenges for a democratic water governance in the country. In the late 1970s, the Dam-Affected Movement (MAB) began its organizat

In the 1970s & 1980s, migratory flows of Portuguese & luso-Africans from old Portuguese African colonies towards to Sao Paulo were the result of the pressures of difficult & complex African & Portuguese politics. Three very different cultural experiences were in play: that of the portuguese colony, the african context, & the Brazilian character of the destination, Sao Paulo. This paper explores the migrant's complex displacement experiences, the insertion of the migrant into the new context & the conflicts of identity that this migratory process entailed. We concentrate on the recent past, which has not been extensively researched. We use a method we call 'summarized life-histories', which seemed appropriate, as we didn't know what the immigrants would tell us. We present a number of specific cases to exemplify our analysis. Through them, we can see that memories refer to events, people & places from the three continents, through the conscious & unconscious construction of multiple identities.