Suchergebnisse

The article presents a review and consideration of the main aspects, directions and specifics of research publications on the history of liberal parties in Russia in the early 20th century and their parliamentary representatives (factions) in the State Duma over this period. Carrying out this research, the author used methods of structural-functional analysis, historical-comparative and problem-chronological method, as well as the principle of scientific objectivity. The author carefully examined the enormous work done by researchers on archival materials and sources related to the history of political life in Russia in the early 20th century, its institutions and representatives. At the same time, the research goes beyond consideration of the accumulated experience and views of Russian scientists (A.Ya. Avrekh, D.V. Aronov, A.N. Egorov, V.V. Shelokhayev and others) on the subject matter stated in the title of the article, but also presents the relevant opinions of international historians (L. Edmondson, W.G. Rosenberg, D. Wartenweiler, R. Williams, J. Hosking, M. Stockdale). One of the research results is the analysis of works on the history of the People's Freedom Party (Cadets) as one of the largest liberal parties in Russian politics during the studied period. The author claims that at present moment it seems viable to look at the main aspects of the history of the liberal movement (parties) in Russia in the early 20th century and their parliamentary representatives both for general understanding of the work done by domestic and international historians in this area, and for understanding the specifics of its transformational change regarding the temporary development factor.

The article deals with the formation of the dictatorship of General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez between 1931 and 1935 and its constitutional consecration in 1939, to which the title refers. For this, he describes the impact that the Great Depression had on the Salvadoran economy, as well as the repercussions of the generalized crisis that the country experienced and that manifested itself in the reorganization of the State, the mobilization of rebel groups and, more importantly, the shift towards the dictatorship as a political regime. It is, suggested that the opposition between democracy and authoritarianism has summarized the political problems of the constitutional evolution of the 20th century in El Salvador. From a historical perspective, it argues that the tension between these two poles created, on the one hand, constitutional formality and, on the other, the reality of disrespect for the rights of citizenship. Throughout the century, the relationship between the struggles for democracy, the validity of authoritarianism and constitutional production was decisive in three periods: 1939–1944, 1950 1962 y 1983–1992. The first period was of the splendor of the dictatorship; the second corresponded to the authoritarian validity. In the latter, in the middle of the war, when the foundation of democracy, was configured. This approach is part of the broader research project on the "Salvadoran constitutional evolution in the 20th century", within the framework of the research agenda of the Evangelical University of El Salvador, with a view to the celebration of the Bicentennial of Independence, 1821-2021. ; El artículo aborda la formación de la dictadura del general Maximiliano Hernández Martínez entre 1931 y 1935 y su consagración constitucional en 1939 a la que se refiere el título. Para ello describe el impacto que tuvo la Gran depresión en la economía salvadoreña, así como las repercusiones de la crisis generalizada que experimentó el país y que se manifestó en la reorganización del Estado, la movilización de grupos rebeldes y, más importante, el giro hacia la dictadura como régimen político. Se sugiere que la oposición entre la democracia y el autoritarismo ha resumido la problemática política de la evolución constitucional del siglo XX en El Salvador. Desde un enfoque histórico plantea que la tensión entre esos dos polos creó, de un lado, la formalidad constitucional y, de otro, la realidad de irrespeto a los derechos de la ciudadanía. A lo largo del siglo, la relación entre las luchas por la democracia, la vigencia del autoritarismo y la producción constitucional fueron decisivas en tres periodos: 1939–1944; 1950–1962; 1983–1992. El primer periodo fue del esplendor de la dictadura; el segundo, correspondió a la vigencia autoritaria. En el último, en medio de la guerra, se configuró la fundación de la democracia. Este planteamiento está inscrito en el proyecto más amplio de investigación sobre la «Evolución constitucional salvadoreña en el siglo XX», en el marco de la agenda de investigación de la Universidad Evangélica de El Salvador (UEES), de cara a la celebración del Bicentenario de la Independencia, 1821-2021.

Historians have discussed and debated the many reasons for the Colombian Catholic church'sdecline. National trends such as the growing secularization of society, emergence of Protestantism, and the decline of the Conservative Party have all been cited as contributing to the weakening of the Catholic Church's importance. This article examines the evolution of theCatholic Church in the department of Cauca during the twentieth century. It focuses specifically on the changes in the relationship between the Catholic Church and indigenous people.

Historians have discussed and debated the many reasons for the Colombian Catholic church'sdecline. National trends such as the growing secularization of society, emergence of Protestantism, and the decline of the Conservative Party have all been cited as contributing to the weakening of the Catholic Church's importance. This article examines the evolution of theCatholic Church in the department of Cauca during the twentieth century. It focuses specifically on the changes in the relationship between the Catholic Church and indigenous people.

Este artículo es una introducción a la biografía intelectual de Raymond Aron como intérprete del siglo XX; refiere a algunas de sus influyentes producciones científicas e intervenciones en política y periodismo; y presenta el contenido de este dossier centrado en la obra de este notable sociólogo francés, infrecuentemente enseñado en las universidades y cuyo legado ha sido escasamente valorizado en investigaciones en ciencias sociales en Argentina. ; This article is an introduction to the intellectual biography of Raymond Aron as an interpreter of 20th century. It refers to some of his influential scientific productions and interventions in politics and journalism. It presents the contents of this dossier focused on the work of this remarkable French sociologist, infrequently taught at universities and whose legacy has been poorly valued at research in social sciences in the Argentina. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

El objetivo de este artículo es profundizar sobre la influencia que tuvo el pensamiento del filósofo György Lukács (1885-1971) sobre los movimientos revolucionarios italianos de las décadas de 1960 y 1970. Nos centramos en los dos movimientos más conocidos a nivel internacional, el operaísmo y las Brigadas Rojas. Como técnicas de investigación hemos recurrido al análisis de documentos, escritos y audiovisuales, y a una entrevista en profundidad con Toni Negri, uno de los más destacados miembros del operaísmo. Los resultados demuestran que Lukács influyó mucho más sobre el pensamiento operaísta, más refinado desde el punto de la elaboración teórica y filosófica, que sobre las Brigadas Rojas, una organización cuya elaboración teórica ha sido muy escasa.

Despite its reputation as technical and unexciting discipline, the subject of a study of demography, the population, is one of the most complex, controversial, ideologised and, of course, exciting people that may find themselves (we are not in vain the 'population'). Few data are presented here, for the most part as a statistical annex, but the aim is to provide a summary and historical picture of the world's demographic situation and, above all, of how it has been analysed and understood, and of the policies undertaken during the 20th century to change its foreseeable evolution. As will be seen, the asepsia and technical nature of the discipline almost always conceals a very large number of political and economic interests that have inextricably marked the technical, thematic and institutional development of the discipline itself. ; Peer reviewed ; Despite its reputation as technical and unexciting discipline, the subject of a study of demography, the population, is one of the most complex, controversial, ideologised and, of course, exciting people that may find themselves (we are not in vain the 'population'). Few data are presented here, for the most part as a statistical annex, but the aim is to provide a summary and historical picture of the world's demographic situation and, above all, of how it has been analysed and understood, and of the policies undertaken during the 20th century to change its foreseeable evolution. As will be seen, the asepsia and technical nature of the discipline almost always conceals a very large number of political and economic interests that have inextricably marked the technical, thematic and institutional development of the discipline itself. ; Pese a su reputación de disciplina técnica y poco emocionante, el objeto de estudio de la demografía, la población, es uno de los más complejos, polémicos, ideologizados y, por supuesto, apasionantes que puedan encontrarse (no en vano la "población" somos nosotros). Se presentan aquí pocos datos y, en su mayor parte, como anexo ...

En este artículo se pretende mostrar la dinámica industrial de Ourense durante el siglo XX, caracterizando las diversas etapas que atraviesa este sector a lo largo del tiempo. Siguiendo la metodología del análisis inductivo, el estudio de un caso concreto nos puede aproximar al modelo general de industrialización de las ciudades medias españolas, de tal forma que las etapas identificadas en la evolución fabril de Ourense pueden, por extensión, ser perfectamente válidas para analizar otro caso concreto, como pueda ser el ejemplo de Toledo, Badajoz, Huelva o León. Estas etapas en las que se ha dividido la evolución industrial de Ourense son cinco: una primera caracterizada por la presencia de empresarios de origen foráneo, a la que sigue una fase de desarrollo de la clase empresarial local pero sin que se produzca un cambio estructural en el sector. La tercera etapa se corresponde con los años de la autarquía en los que el sector industrial se beneficia del proteccionismo estatal orientando su producción a la sustitución de importaciones. Las décadas posteriores se caracterizan por la política de polígonos industriales que lleva a cabo la administración tecnocrática, para concluir en la última etapa con las nuevas directrices emanadas de los gobiernos autonómicos, tendentes a potenciar la innovación y el desarrollo tecnológico como factores clave para superar la competencia en el mercado mundial que acompaña a la globalización de la economía.The main aim of this paper is to show the industrial dynamics of Ourense during the XX century, characterizing the diverse stages that it crosses along the time. Following the methodology of the inductive analysis, the study of a concrete case can approach to the general pattern of industrialization of medium-sized cities in Spain, in such a way that the stages identified in the industrial evolution of Ourense could, for extension, to be perfectly valid to analyze another concrete case, like the example of Toledo, Badajoz, Huelva or León. The stages in those the industrial evolution of Ourense has been divided are five: a first one characterized by the presence of managers of strange origin, to which follows a phase of development of the local managerial class but without a structural change in the sector. The third stage concerns with the years of the autarchy in those the industrial sector benefits of the state protectionism guiding its production to the substitution of imports. The later decades are characterized by the politics of industrial estates that carries out the technocratic administration, to conclude in the last stage with the new emanated guidelines of the autonomous governments, trying to promote the innovation and the technological development as key factors to overcome the competition in the world market that accom-panies the globalization of the economy.

ResumenEl presente artículo trata sobre la contraposición que a lo largo del siglo XX se ha hecho entre la Castilla medieval y el reino de León, atribuyendo unos rasgos concretos a ambas realidades políticas medievales. Veremos cómo este discurso nace a finales del XIX y se desarrolla en la primera mitad del XX, transformándose a lo largo de las décadas y poniéndose al servicio de distintos intereses políticos, que irían desde el regeneracionismo hasta la propaganda del régimen franquista, pasando por el regionalismo castellano.AbstractThis paper deals with the opposition made during the 20th century between medieval Castile and the Kingdom of Leon, based on alleged specific features of each of them. In this paper it can be seen how this thesis begins at the end of the 19th century and it develops in 20th century by changing throughout the decades. Moreover, it shows different political interests and movements ranging from Regenerationism to Franco Regime's propaganda, bearing also in mind Castilian Regionalism.

Abstract: This study aims to present and discuss some of theissues relating to the stability of (ethnically and confessionally) mixed marriages in interwar Cluj, including the impact of the ideological atmosphere and the political context on domestic life and the vulnerability of a couple's relationship to social pressures. The choice of period allows the examination of interethnic relations in an interwar period, where notions like nationalism, xenophobia, and eugenics made and unmade governments. The choice of location too allows the study of interethnic relations in a city inhabited by four considerably populous ethnic groups and seven confessions.By using a sample of 2,500 marriages contracted in 1922, 1930, and 1938, the analysis aims at assessing the duration of marriages in relation to their types (monogamous or mixed) and several independent variables, such as age at marriage and the spouses' professional status.Key words: Divorce, intermarriage, Transylvania, Cluj, interwarResumen: El presente trabajo busca presentar y discutir algunos de los temas relacionados con la estabilidad de matrimonios mixtos (entre etnias y confesiones religiosas) durante el periodo de entreguerras en Cluj. Estos temas incluyen la influencia de la ideología y el contexto político sobre la vida doméstica y la vulnerabilidad de la relación de pareja frente a las presiones sociales. El periodo estudiado permite el análisis de las relaciones interétnicas de entreguerras, en una época en la que conceptos tales como nacionalismo, xenofobia y eugenesia alzaban y derrumbaban gobiernos. El lugar estudiado, además, permite el examen de las relaciones interétnicas en una ciudad habitada por cuatro grupos étnicos notablemente numerosos y siete confesiones religiosas.El análisis de una muestra de 2500 matrimonios contraídos en 1922, 1930 y 1938 intenta relacionar la duración de los matrimonios con el tipo (monógamo o mixto) y con otras variables tales como la edad al casarse y la situación profesional de los cónyuges.Palabras clave: Divorcio, matrimonio mixto, Transilvania, Cluj, entreguerras doi: https://doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2017.3707

After the wars of independence in Latin America (1810-1821) the first attempt to articulate and write a literature project that supplemented the political process of emancipation was developed by the 19th century lettered men. That project was characterized by the use of the written word as an organizing and legislative principle designed to give cultural and political form to the recently emancipated nations of Latin America. There was; therefore, an inherent link between politics and aesthetics and the literary project of the 19th century proposed by the letter men. At the turn of the 19th century, the modernist writers postulated a new paradigm of literary representation. The new project was conceived as a depuration of the literary field from the insidious influence of political thought. Literature produced under the rubric of this new paradigm, exhibited tensions stemming from the desire to separate the political realm from the aesthetic realm. This paradigm shift is explored by the literary critic Julio Ramos whose work sheds light on the professionalization of the Latin American writer and its impact upon the writing of literature at the intersection of the 19th and 20th centuries in Latin America. In the European academy, a new perspective on aesthetics has been proposed by the Algerian French philosopher Jaques Rancière who using the works of Plato and Aristotle, examines the close relationship between aesthetics and politics in artistic production, specifically the origin and differences between mimetic and aesthetic art and their relation to the birth of politics. In this thesis, I explore the change in the literary representation from the organizational paradigm proposed by the 19th century lettered men to the highly aestheticized literary field proposed by the modernist of the early 20th century. My study will explore the relationship between those two paradigms and their intrinsic link to the political phenomena of that time. Finally, I reveal how the production of literature is crucial and historically linked to the current political transformations occurring in Latin American countries such as Venezuela and Colombia. In these social transformations, important aspects of the literature produced during the periods mentioned above are present; those aspects are: the concepts of equality, justice and the participation of the common people in the political and cultural transformation in their countries.

The article proposes a rereading of a selected corpus of Colombian films of the 20th century that deal with the subject of bipartisan violence and social conflict, given their particular relationship with the new forms of representation ofwomen as the central character of the story. With the increase in economic stimuli from government initiatives, new aesthetic bets became evident that made visible a greater presence of women in Colombian filmography from the 1960s onwards and it is from this reflection that the analysis set out in the text is developed. ; El artículo plantea una relectura a un corpus seleccionado de películas colombianas del siglo XX que abordan el tema de la violencia bipartidista y el conflicto social, dada su particular relación con las nuevas formas de representación de la mujer como personaje central del relato. Con el incremento de estímulos económicos por parte de iniciativas gubernamentales, se evidenciaron nuevas apuestas estéticas que visibilizaron una mayor presencia de la mujer en la filmografía colombiana de los años 60 en adelante y es desde esta reflexión que se desarrolla el análisis planteado en el texto. ; The article proposes a rereading of a selected corpus of Colombian films of the 20th century that deal with the subject of bipartisan violence and social conflict, given their particular relationship with the new forms of representation ofwomen as the central character of the story. With the increase in economic stimuli from government initiatives, new aesthetic bets became evident that made visible a greater presence of women in Colombian filmography from the 1960s onwards and it is from this reflection that the analysis set out in the text is developed.

This historical essay constitutes a deep reflection, based on an investigation in the framework of the Covid-19 crisis. We analyze four moments in the history of the 20th century, distant in space and time; but strung together by a fine behavioral thread, the disputeover political and economic power, this hypothesis will be evidenced by studying the events that occurred around the figure and hegemonic group of Dr. Arnulfo Arias Madrid. We weave, through the narrative, the sequential effects of the Communal Action coup, the assassination of President José Remón, the electoral processes of Arnulfo Arias and the 1968 Coup, to show that the latter and its subsequent consequences obey a series of factors in cascade effect, product of the political and social immaturity of the belligerent sectors of our society. Looking, they generate in the reader a space for reflection, on our history and its value, internalizing in the individual ethical and civic values from critical history, which allow them to have a deeper and more precise judgment regarding which model of society and country he wants to build on himself, his family and his environment. ; Este ensayo histórico constituye una reflexión profunda, a partir de una investigación en el marco de la crisis del Covid-19. Analizamos en cuatro momentos de la historia del siglo XX, distantes en el espacio y el tiempo; pero hilvanados por un fino hilo conductual, la disputa por el poder político y económico, esta hipótesis se tratará de evidenciar mediante el estudio de los acontecimientos acaecidos alrededor de la figura y grupo hegemónico del Dr. Arnulfo Arias Madrid. Hilamos, mediante la narrativa los efectos secuenciales del golpe de estado de Acción Comunal, el magnicidio del presidente José Remón, los procesos electorales de Arnulfo Arias y el Golpe Estado de 1968, para demostrar que este último y sus consecuencias posteriores, obedecen de una serie de factores en efecto cascada, producto de la inmadurez política y social de los sectores beligerantes de nuestra sociedad. Buscando generar en el lector un espacio de reflexión, sobre nuestra historia y su valor, interiorizando en el individuo valores éticos y cívicos a partir de la historia crítica, que le permitan tener un juicio más profundo y preciso respecto a que modelo de sociedad y patria quiere construir a partir de sí mismo, su familia y su entorno.

In Badajoz, the provincial capital, a considerable number of new religious temples are erected between 1900 and 2000, with different styles that are the result of historical evolution and that express the tastes of the comitentes. Most of these temples, of good invoice, are built to cover the spiritual needs of newly created neighborhoods. The first examples still have a very strong influence of the predominant historicism and eclecticism during the s. XIX; With the Francoism will be when the interest in religious architecture resurfaces, in principle with an academic and traditional language while the arrival of the theses of the Second Vatican Council will impose visible changes in the conception of new parishes. Some recent examples of our democracy, however, have not opted for the formal quality that characterized the immediately preceding examples, which are the most original aesthetically. We also include those examples made in satellite neighborhoods or settlements dependent on Badajoz. ; En Badajoz, capital provincial, se erigen un considerable número de nuevos templos religiosos entre 1900 y 2000, con diversos estilos que son fruto de la evolución histórica y que expresan los gustos de los comitentes. La mayoría de estos templos, de buena factura, se construyen para cubrir las necesidades espirituales de nuevos barrios recién creados. Los primeros ejemplos todavía tienen una influencia muy fuerte del historicismo y eclecticismo predominantes durante el s. XIX; con el franquismo será cuando resurja el interés por la arquitectura religiosa, en principio con un lenguaje académico y tradicional si bien la llegada de las tesis del Concilio Vaticano II impondrá cambios visibles en la concepción de nuevas parroquias. Algunos ejemplos recientes de nuestra democracia, sin embargo, no han apostado por la calidad formal que caracterizó a los ejemplos inmediatamente precedentes, que son los más originales estéticamente. Incluimos también aquéllos ejemplos realizados en barrios satélite o pueblos de colonización ...