The European Union has actively engaged itself in cooperation with its Eastern neighbours. The Eastern Partnership is a concept of political cooperation and economic integration in the future with six countries – Moldova, Ukraine, Belarus, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. Republic of Armenia regards this programme as a framework for improving its market institutions and judicial system and for creation of business opportunities. Although Armenia decided not to sign the Association Agreement and join the Russia-led Eurasiatic Customs Union, there is still room for cooperation with the EU on a sector-by-sector basis. The paper is divided in three parts. The first one describes the history of the Armenian cooperation with the European Union within the Eastern Partnership. The second part deals with the barriers and opportunities for mutual cooperation. The last part shows the changes in the Armenian economy during the last decade.
Africa is subject of special interest for member states of the European Union. Since the beginning of the European Community, economical relations with African countries have been part of organization's functioning. Political aspect of those relations was a result of treaty amendments. During the summit of December 15–16, 2005, the EU Strategy for Africa was adopted by the European Council. The document was an example of comprehensive position of the European Union towards the African continent and served as a basis for the future strategic partnership between the European Union and Africa, confirmed during the second and the third summit of 2007 and 2010. The aim of this paper is to analise mechanisms of implementation of the EU Strategy for Africa. Attention will be paid to indicate the possibility and conditions of effective implementation and to evaluate effects of strategic partnership with Africa. ; Africa is subject of special interest for member states of the European Union. Since the beginning of the European Community, economical relations with African countries have been part of organization's functioning. Political aspect of those relations was a result of treaty amendments. During the summit of December 15–16, 2005, the EU Strategy for Africa was adopted by the European Council. The document was an example of comprehensive position of the European Union towards the African continent and served as a basis for the future strategic partnership between the European Union and Africa, confirmed during the second and the third summit of 2007 and 2010. The aim of this paper is to analise mechanisms of implementation of the EU Strategy for Africa. Attention will be paid to indicate the possibility and conditions of effective implementation and to evaluate effects of strategic partnership with Africa.
The aim of the article is to show the relations between Turkey and the EU in the era of the migration crisis. The author focuses on the presentation of subsequent stages of cooperation between the above-mentioned parties and presents the process of concluding individual contracts. Despite numerous criticisms, mainly from the European side, cooperation between entities is continued. Thanks to the agreement signed in 2016, Turkey is continuing its efforts to provide unprecedented humanitarian assistance and support to more than 3.5 million refugees from Syria and about 365,000 refugees from other countries. At the moment, the political rank of the Turkey-EU talks has been reduced to the level of European commissioners and Turkish ministers. Turkey, mainly due to its geopolitical situation, now appears as an indispensable partner, which alone can effectively minimize the threats posed by the migration crisis. ; Celem artykułu jest ukazanie relacji pomiędzy Turcją i UE w dobie kryzysu migracyjnego. Autor skupia się na prezentacji poszczególnych etapów współpracy pomiędzy wyżej wymienionymi stronami oraz przedstawia proces zawierania poszczególnych umów. Pomimo licznych głosów krytyki, kierowanych głównie ze strony europejskiej, współpraca pomiędzy podmiotami jest kontynuowana. Dzięki porozumieniu podpisanemu w 2016 roku, Turcja wciąż podtrzymuje swoje wysiłki na rzecz zapewnienia bezprecedensowej pomocy humanitarnej i wsparcia dla ponad 3,5 mln uchodźców z Syrii oraz około 365 000 uchodźców z innych krajów. Na chwilę obecną ranga polityczna rozmów na linii Turcja–UE została obniżona do poziomu europejskich komisarzy i tureckich ministrów (Chudziak, Strachota, 2016, s. 5). Turcja, głównie dzięki swojemu położeniu geopolitycznemu, jawi się obecnie jako strategiczny partner, który jako jedyny może efektywnie zminimalizować zagrożenia, jakie niesie ze sobą kryzys migracyjny.
The main goal of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) is political and economic stabilization of the region threatened both by its post-Soviet systemic predicaments such as weakness of state institutions, the gap between the ruling oligarchy and citizens and corruption, and by Russia's attempts to maintain or extend its sphere of influence, which involves fomenting separatist tendencies of minorities and promoting anti-EU narratives. Among the six EaP countries, Georgia is most advanced in implementing reforms; however, there is still immense work to be done, despite the EU's economic and technical support. Another aspect of the EU's involvement in the region is the security dilemma whether to accept Russia's influence in the former Soviet republics together with authoritarian models of governing or to make efforts towards democratization of those countries, risking the increase of Russian hostility, an example of which could be seen in 2014 conflict with Ukraine.
The main goal of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) is political and economic stabilization of the region threatened both by its post-Soviet systemic predicaments such as weakness of state institutions, the gap between the ruling oligarchy and citizens and corruption, and by Russia's attempts to maintain or extend its sphere of influence, which involves fomenting separatist tendencies of minorities and promoting anti-EU narratives. Among the six EaP countries, Georgia is most advanced in implementing reforms; however, there is still immense work to be done, despite the EU's economic and technical support. Another aspect of the EU's involvement in the region is the security dilemma whether to accept Russia's influence in the former Soviet republics together with authoritarian models of governing or to make efforts towards democratization of those countries, risking the increase of Russian hostility, an example of which could be seen in 2014 conflict with Ukraine.
The idea of involvement of the European Union in cooperation between the EU and its Eastern neighbours has been promoted by Poland since 1998. The strongest manifestation of this effort was the Polish-Swedish initiative under the name of "The Eastern Partnership". In 2008 the European Council confirmed this project and thus it became the eastern dimension of European Neighbourhood Policy. Obtaining the EU acceptance for the Eastern Partnership was to an important extent a success of the Polish diplomacy. It proved that Poland was a strong partner in the EU, whose initiative and determination led to constructive action. A review and assessment of the activities and development of the Eastern Partnership was one of three priorities of the Polish UE presidency. The most important event during the Polish presidency was the summit meeting of the Eastern Partnership, that took place on 29 and 30 October 2011 in Warsaw. Despite the fact that it was not a full success, some important decisions for development of the Eastern Partnership were taken. For an assessment of the Polish presidency, a few factors should be taken into consideration. First of these is the role of the Council Presidency in the EU institutional and decisional system. Second is appraisal of political situation both in the EU Member States and the partner states. The authentic will of all parties to take constructive action is a condition sine quo non for the success of the Eastern Partnership. One of the important rule is more for more. It is means that the EU applies a set of conditionalities to the Eastern Partnership Member States, requiring the continuation of democratic reforms. The main objective of this article is to demonstrate the essence of the Eastern Partnership and to formulate an opinion, based upon the analysis of the activities and results of the programme. The article is divided in three parts: I. The essence of the Eastern Partnership; II. The Eastern Partnership as a Polish priority of the Polish presidency; III. The assessment of the Polish presidency.
On August 1, 1994 the Cooperation Agreement between the European Community and the Republic of India on partnership and development entered into force. On June 16, 2004, in the tenth anniversary of the partnership, the European Commission presented the communication "An EU-India Strategic Partnership" in order to intensify cooperation with India. The Republic of India was regarded as a regional and global leader, being able to have equal relations with EU members. This paper is to analise signs of cooperation aimed at stategic partnership, and to present that despite legal and institutional frameworks of cooperation, no comprehensive concept of partnership was implemented. Moreover, years of relations have showned that partners are not equal, as well as that course and speed of cooperation are shaped unilaterally by the European Union. ; On August 1, 1994 the Cooperation Agreement between the European Community and the Republic of India on partnership and development entered into force. On June 16, 2004, in the tenth anniversary of the partnership, the European Commission presented the communication "An EU-India Strategic Partnership" in order to intensify cooperation with India. The Republic of India was regarded as a regional and global leader, being able to have equal relations with EU members. This paper is to analise signs of cooperation aimed at stategic partnership, and to present that despite legal and institutional frameworks of cooperation, no comprehensive concept of partnership was implemented. Moreover, years of relations have showned that partners are not equal, as well as that course and speed of cooperation are shaped unilaterally by the European Union.
The evolution of the ambitions of the Ukrainian authorities regarding integration with the EU is discussed in the paper. The current attitudes of political parties represented in Parliament towards the European Union, as well as the attitude of Ukrainian society towards the integration of the country with the EU is analyzed. Attention is focused on the Eastern Partnership as the EU's response to the aspirations of the Ukrainian political elites toward integration with the EU. The process of working out a new agreement between Ukraine and the EU, that is to replace the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, is analyzed. In the conclusions the principal barriers to the integration of Ukraine with the EU are highlighted. ; The evolution of the ambitions of the Ukrainian authorities regarding integration with the EU is discussed in the paper. The current attitudes of political parties represented in Parliament towards the European Union, as well as the attitude of Ukrainian society towards the integration of the country with the EU is analyzed. Attention is focused on the Eastern Partnership as the EU's response to the aspirations of the Ukrainian political elites toward integration with the EU. The process of working out a new agreement between Ukraine and the EU, that is to replace the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, is analyzed. In the conclusions the principal barriers to the integration of Ukraine with the EU are highlighted.
Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; The goal behind the Eastern Partnership programme was the development of political, economic, and social links between the European Union and the European states developed in the wake of the breakdown of the USSR (with the exception of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia). The author believes that the goal was achieved in the case of three Transcaucasian countries. On the one hand, EU standards began to be implemented in these countries by the implementation of EU's acquis communautaire in the law of these states, which allows trade exchange and more extensive economic cooperation along the principles of the EU. On the other hand, in the case of these countries, the EU avoided any declaration concerning their future membership in the EU, which poses a fundamental problem in the relations with the remaining members of the Eastern Partnership programme.
The economic relations of the European Union (EU) with the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries are diverse in terms of their formal basis, scope and size. All EaP countries were already covered by the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) in 1993/1994 and some by the additional GSP+ scheme in 2005, and bilateral Partnership and Cooperation Agreements (with the exception of Belarus) in 1998–1999, replaced in 2016–2018 by an Association Agreement with a DCFTA for Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, and in Armenia by a comprehensive and strengthened Partnership Agreement. However, the analysis of trade flows between 2007 and 2017 did not reveal a clear link between the volume of trade and the type of agreement governing economic relations. Although for most Eastern Partnership countries, the EU is the most important export market (except for Belarus) and the most important supplier (except for Armenia and Belarus), for the EU as a whole, the EaP countries remain second and third tier partners.
Partnership and Cooperation Agreement is a document regulate the European Union external relations with third countries. Obligatory document between the European Union and Russia from 1999 (1997) expired in 2007 and haven't been replaced by a new agreement up till now. Negotiate a new treaty which regulates the base relations should be in interest of both sides, according to a strategic partnership. Unfortunately, negotiations for a long time are in impasse. Both of subjects can't reach a consensus as to scope and content of the document and on matters relating to energy dialogue, European security, policy towards the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS ) and keep human rights. Conversation were breaking off very often because of the attitude and actions of Russia against individual EU Member States and countries of the (CIS). In the meantime, in the EU proposed to create together with the United States of America, Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership introducing free trade area through liberalization of both internal markets. This project obtained a big interest in the EU and then began negotiations which despite of many impediments will have a good prognosis for the future. To conclude, the article aims is to present scope of the new Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the EU and Russia, indicate the causes and areas of negotiation impasse and to refer to the state of negotiations Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership.
Established on the initiative of Poland and Sweden, the Eastern Partnership encompasses six states located in the territory of the former USSR, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus. The program was officially initiated in 2009 by offering its members such solutions as softening visa restrictions, the establishment of free trade zones and signing association agreements. One of the priorities of the Polish Presidency, the Eastern Partnership culminated in the summit held inWarsaw on September 29–30, 2011. While Poland sees this project as an opportunity for further enlargements, other member states are not unanimous about what character it should have. Should the Eastern Partnership constitute the eastern dimension of the European Neighborhood Policy, or just the advancement of democratic values without promising EU membership in return for their implementation. This influences the assessment of the Eastern Partnership upon its third year of operation, and of the activities of the Polish Government during the Presidency. Although cooperation between the EU and the countries of the Eastern Partnership was not significantly advanced, Donald Tusk's Government succeeded in maintaining the EU's interest in this topic among member states otherwise engrossed in the eurozone crisis. ; Established on the initiative of Poland and Sweden, the Eastern Partnership encompasses six states located in the territory of the former USSR, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus. The program was officially initiated in 2009 by offering its members such solutions as softening visa restrictions, the establishment of free trade zones and signing association agreements. One of the priorities of the Polish Presidency, the Eastern Partnership culminated in the summit held inWarsaw on September 29–30, 2011. While Poland sees this project as an opportunity for further enlargements, other member states are not unanimous about what character it should have. Should the Eastern Partnership constitute the eastern dimension of the European Neighborhood Policy, or just the advancement of democratic values without promising EU membership in return for their implementation. This influences the assessment of the Eastern Partnership upon its third year of operation, and of the activities of the Polish Government during the Presidency. Although cooperation between the EU and the countries of the Eastern Partnership was not significantly advanced, Donald Tusk's Government succeeded in maintaining the EU's interest in this topic among member states otherwise engrossed in the eurozone crisis.
It has been ten years since Poland and Sweden proposed the Eastern Partnership project, which was subsequently adopted on 7 May 2009 by the EU Council at the Prague Summit as the official policy of the European Union. It is a component of the broader EU foreign policy – the European Neighbourhood Policy, which was created in 2004. During this time, the EU has developed many forms of dialogue and cooperation with the six countries covered by the programme. Half of the countries have signed and started to implement new agreements to strengthen their relations. However, the Eastern Partnership is currently undergoing a serious test. Today, the biggest challenge of fundamental importance is the ongoing armed conflict in eastern Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea by Russia, which is a sign of a return to geopolitics in the region. These events have significantly changed the outlook and conditions under which the Eastern Partnership is implemented. Therefore, it is worth trying to answer a few research questions: has the Partnership proved to be a useful tool for attracting beneficiary countries to the EU? Have the initial and long-term objectives been achieved? Finally, is the project worth strengthening and continuing? The article will analyse the specificity of the programme, including strategic goals and their evolution, and attempt to assess the implementation of assumptions and instruments from the point of view of the research approach, which is the transformational power of the EU.
May 2019 marked the 10th anniversary of the launch of the European Union's Eastern Partnership initiative, which encourages democratic reforms in Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine and the strengthening of the relations and cooperation between these countries and the EU. During this period, significant results were achieved in terms of political association, economic relations and regulatory convergence. Thanks to this initiative, Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine signed association and free trade area agreements (DCFTAs) and achieved visa-free travel. One of the main drawbacks of the programme at this stage is that it does not provide for a differentiated approach towards partner countries and deeper cooperation with those already signatory to Association Agreements. The anniversary of the Eastern Partnership encourages to take stock of the results of the initiative and identify perspectives for its further development. The aim of this article is to identify the main achievements of the Eastern Partnership from the perspective of Ukraine's priorities and interests, as well as to propose a new effective model of relations between Ukraine and other partner countries with the EU under this initiative. The text sets out and analyses the main stages of the cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in the years 1991–2019, especially the participation of Ukraine in the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership. The article shows that the Eastern Partnership policy and its implementation mechanisms need a structural review and differentiated, individual approaches that would meet the needs, expectations and interests of all the parties. If the EU intends to continue building mutually beneficial relations with its eastern neighbours, it should not only maintain the existing initiative, but also adapt it effectively to the challenges of the present. The EU should therefore develop a sufficiently attractive and effective model of cooperation to support pro-European reforms in its partner countries.
Since the Soviet Union collapsed and Ukraine regained her independence, Ukraine has become an object of interest of the EU's foreign policy. Ukraine has immense economic and social potential, and a significant geopolitical location, particularly from the point of view of EU – Russian relations. Good mutual relations were corroborated by the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. Signed on June 14, 1994, the Agreement provided for the reinforcement of mutual bonds as well as political and economic cooperation. Over its near twenty years of independence, Ukraine has taken part in several EU initiatives. A current issue at the Ukraine – EU summit, held in Kiev in December 2009, concerned the agreement of association to be drawn up that should replace the present Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. On account of a number of issues that the EU continues to have reservations about (the insufficient battle against corruption in Ukraine, the slow pace of economic reforms, and the lack of a uniform standpoint of the Ukrainian President, government and parliament) the signing of this Agreement has been postponed until next year. ; Since the Soviet Union collapsed and Ukraine regained her independence, Ukraine has become an object of interest of the EU's foreign policy. Ukraine has immense economic and social potential, and a significant geopolitical location, particularly from the point of view of EU – Russian relations. Good mutual relations were corroborated by the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. Signed on June 14, 1994, the Agreement provided for the reinforcement of mutual bonds as well as political and economic cooperation. Over its near twenty years of independence, Ukraine has taken part in several EU initiatives. A current issue at the Ukraine – EU summit, held in Kiev in December 2009, concerned the agreement of association to be drawn up that should replace the present Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. On account of a number of issues that the EU continues to have reservations about (the insufficient battle against corruption in Ukraine, the slow pace of economic reforms, and the lack of a uniform standpoint of the Ukrainian President, government and parliament) the signing of this Agreement has been postponed until next year.
