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Aboriginal Australians have diverse interests in forest, encompassing cultural, economic, environmental and social values. Historically, the agencies and industries comprising the forest sector have engaged with only some of these interests, and have typically done so in a fragmented fashion. Our research with Aboriginal communities around Australia suggests a myriad of opportunities for a broadly defined forests sector, but this requires improved relationships between Aboriginal people and the dominant society and much deeper understanding of diverse Aboriginal aspirations at the local level. The National Indigenous Forestry Strategy promotes these aspirations, but requires a much stronger commitment from governments if it is to deliver them.

Aboriginal Australians have diverse interests in forest, encompassing cultural, economic, environmental and social values. Historically, the agencies and industries comprising the forest sector have engaged with only some of these interests, and have typically done so in a fragmented fashion. Our research with Aboriginal communities around Australia suggests a myriad of opportunities for a broadly defined forests sector, but this requires improved relationships between Aboriginal people and the dominant society and much deeper understanding of diverse Aboriginal aspirations at the local level. The National Indigenous Forestry Strategy promotes these aspirations, but requires a much stronger commitment from governments if it is to deliver them.

The long history of Asian contact with Australian Aborigines began with the early links with seafarers, Makassan trepang gatherers and even Chinese contact, which occurred in northern Australia. Later contact through the pearling industry in the Northern Territory and Kimberley, Western Australia, involved Filipinos (Manilamen), Malays, Indonesians, Chinese and Japanese. Europeans on the coastal areas of northern Australia depended on the work of indentured Asians and local Aborigines for the development and success of these industries. The birth of the Australian Federation also marked the beginning of the "White Australia Policy" designed to keep non-Europeans from settling in Australia. The presence of Asians in the north had a significant impact on state legislation controlling Aborigines in Western Australia in the first half of the 20th century, with implications to the present. Oral and archival evidence bears testimony to the brutality with which this legislation was pursued and its impact on the lives of Aboriginal people.

AbstractOntological parochialism persists in International Relations (IR) scholarship among gestures towards relational ontological reinvention. Meanwhile, the inter-polity relations of many Indigenous peoples pre-date contemporary IR and tend to be substantively relational. This situation invites rethinking of IR's understandings of political order and inter-polity relations. We take up this task by laying out necessary methodological innovations to engage with Aboriginal Australia and then showing how conventional and much recent heterodox IR seek to create forms of 'escape' from lived political relations by asserting the powerful yet problematic social science mechanism of observer's distance. This demonstrates a need to take Aboriginal Australia as a system on its own terms to speak back to IR. We next explain how Aboriginal Australian people produce political order on the Australian continent through a 'relational-ecological' disposition that contrasts with IR's predominant 'survivalist' disposition. The accompanying capacity to manage survivalism through relationalism provides an avenue for engaging with and recasting some of mainstream IR's survivalist assumptions, including by considering an Aboriginal approach to multipolarity, without attempting 'pure escape' through alternative ontologies. We thus argue that while it is necessary to critique and recast dominant IR, doing so requires putting dominant IR and Indigenous understandings into relational exchange.

In Darwin in the Northern Territory of Australia, Aboriginal men made up more than half of the domestic servant population by 1938. They replaced the Chinese and Malay male servants who had worked for British colonists in the early colonial period. Much of the historical work on male domestic servants in colonial situations plots the construction of the 'houseboy' as emasculated, feminised and submissive. In contrast, colonial constructions of Aboriginal men as 'houseboys' in Darwin emphasise the masculinity of the Aboriginal hunter. Aboriginal men were characterised as requiring constant discipline and training, and this paternalistic discourse led to a corresponding denial of manhood or adulthood for Aboriginal men. While male domestic servants in other colonial settings were allowed some privileges of masculinity in relation to female workers, amongst Aboriginal domestic workers, it was so‐called 'half‐caste' women who, in acknowledgment of their 'white blood', received nominally higher wages and privileges for domestic work. Aboriginal men were denied what was referred to as a 'breadwinning' wage; an Australian wage awarded to white men with families. Despite this, their role as husbands was encouraged by the administration as a method of controlling sexual relations between white men and Aboriginal women. These sometimes contradictory images can be understood as manifestations of the racialised construction of gender in Australia.

Over the past two decades, historians of colonial Australia have greatly enriched our understanding of how Aboriginality was racially constructed in nineteenth and early twentieth settler discourses. However, there is arguably much that is yet to be understood about how racialist perceptions of Aboriginal people owed their cultural suasiveness to medico-scientific investigation of the Aboriginal body.This essay attempts to go some way towards answering this question by exploring in contextualised detail how anatomists and anthropologists, in the century or so after 1820, construed the morphology of the 'Aboriginal brain' and its significance in the evolutionary history of humankind. The essay particularly focuses on explicating the goals of these investigators of the 'Aboriginal' brain as they themselves saw them evolving through their uses of evidence and modes of reasoning and argument.Fine grained exploration of how the scientific facticity of the 'Aboriginal' brain was constructed is arguably essential if we are to understand how in obvious, but also in many subtle ways, the outcomes of this research figured in the construal of the biological and psychic dimensions of Aboriginality within settler culture, and on the development of policies for governing Aboriginal people. Moreover, it also offers us a useful source of vicarious knowledge for assessing contemporary scientific interest in the 'Aboriginal' brain.

This article outlines the increasing awareness, service development and research in renal disease in Aboriginal people in Australia's Northern Territory, among whom the rates of renal replacement therapy (RRT) are among the highest in the world. Kidney failure and RRT dominate the intellectual landscape and consume the most professional energy, but the underlying kidney disease has recently swung into view, with increasing awareness of its connection to other chronic diseases and to health profiles and trajectories more broadly. Albuminuria is the marker of the underlying kidney disease and the best treatment target, and glomerulomegaly and focal glomerulosclerosis are the defining histologic features. Risk factors in its multideterminant genesis reflect nutritional and developmental disadvantage and inflammatory/infectious milieu, while the major putative genetic determinants still elude detection. A culture shift of "chronic disease prevention" has been catalyzed in part by the human pain, logistic problems and great costs associated with RRT. Nowadays chronic disease management is the central focus of indigenous primary care, with defined protocols for integrated testing and management of chronic diseases and with government reimbursed service items and free medicines for people in remote areas. Blood pressure, cardiovascular risk and chronic kidney disease (CKD) are all mitigated by good treatment, which centres on renin-angiotensin system blockade and good metabolic control. RRT incidence rates appear to be stabilizing in remote Aboriginal people, and chronic disease deaths rates are falling. However, the profound levels of disadvantage in many remote settings remain appalling, and there is still much to be done, mostly beyond the direct reach of health services.