Australia's 'income management' policy requires benefit recipients to spend at least half of their government transfers on essentials (e.g. food, housing). We estimate income management's impact on birth outcomes by exploiting its staggered rollout. By changing parents' consumption patterns, the policy aims to improve child outcomes. We find no evidence of this. Instead, our estimates suggest it reduced average birthweight by 95 grams and increased the probability of low birthweight by 3 percentage points. We explore the mechanisms that may explain this finding. Our study demonstrates how policies that are not carefully implemented and tested can unintentionally escalate existing inequalities.
In: Political geography: an interdisciplinary journal for all students of political studies with an interest in the geographical and spatial aspects, Band 61, S. 67-76
Background: The concepts and standard practices of implementation, largely originating in developed countries, cannot necessarily be simply transferred into diverse cultural contexts. There has been relative inattention in the implementation science literature paid to the implementation of interventions targeting minority Indigenous populations within developed countries. This suggests that the implementation literature may be bypassing population groups within developed countries who suffer some of the greatest disadvantage. Within the context of Aboriginal Australian health improvement, this study considers the impact of political and cultural issues by examining the transfer and implementation of the Family Wellbeing program across 56 places over a 20-year period. Methods: A theoretical model of program transfer was developed using constructivist-grounded theory methods. Data were generated by conducting in-depth interviews with 18 Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal research respondents who had been active in transferring the program. Data were categorised into higher order abstract concepts and the core impetus for and process of program transfer were identified. Results: Organizations transferred the program by using it as a vehicle for supporting inside-out empowerment. The impetus to support inside-out empowerment referred to support for Aboriginal people's participation, responsibility for and control of their own affairs, and the associated ripple effects to family members, organizations, communities, and ultimately reconciliation with Australian society at large. Program transfer occurred through a multi-levelled process of embracing relatedness which included relatedness with self, others, and structural conditions; all three were necessary at both individual and organizational levels. Conclusions: Similar to international implementation models, the model of supporting inside-out empowerment by embracing relatedness involved individuals, organizations, and interpersonal and inter-organizational networks. ...
The Australian polity's approach to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people has historically emphasised integration into the colonial nation-state. This essay argues that these paternalistic principles continue to inform 21st century policy to the detriment of meaningful progress towards coexistent Aboriginal sovereignty. KeywordsAustralian politics; Aboriginal sovereignty; self-determination; activism
Socialization, Land, and Citizenship among Aboriginal Australians: Reconciling Indigenous and Western Forms of Education. Raymond Matthew Nichol. Lewiston, NY: Edward Mellen Press, 2005. 480 pp.
Anecdotal reports have linked cannabis use to violence in some remote Australian Aboriginal communities. We examine the relationship between cannabis use and presentations to local clinics for violence-related trauma at a population level. As part of a larger study, estimates of cannabis and alcohol use status were obtained for 264 randomly selected individuals aged 14–42. These estimates were collected from Aboriginal health workers and respected community informants using a previously validated approach. Clinic records for the sample were audited for physical trauma presentations between January 2004 and June 2006. One in 3 individuals ( n = 88/264) presented to the clinic with physical trauma. Of these, the majority (65.9%, n = 58/88) had at least one presentation that was violence-related. Nearly 2 in every 3 of the total presentations for trauma following violence ( n = 40/63) involved the use of a weapon. Hunting tools were most often used, followed by wooden or rock implements. Individuals who reported any current cannabis use were nearly 4 times more likely than nonusers to present at least once for violent trauma after adjusting for current alcohol use, age, and sex (OR = 3.8, 95% CI [1.5, 9.8]). Aboriginal individuals in these remote communities experience high rates of physical trauma and violence, often involving weapons. A comprehensive study is needed to explore the association between cannabis and violence. At the same time, an investment in local programmes is needed to address cannabis use and underlying risk factors for substance use and for violence.
In: International review for the sociology of sport: irss ; a quarterly edited on behalf of the International Sociology of Sport Association (ISSA), Band 53, Heft 7, S. 854-868
Representations of Aboriginal Australian peoples as genetically predisposed to sporting prowess are pervasive and enduring perceptions. This rhetoric belongs to a larger narrative that also describes a peculiarly Aboriginal style of play: full of flair, speed and 'magic'. Such imagery has informed a common perception that, in many team sports, Aboriginal athletes are biologically more suited to playing positions characterised by pace, trickery and spontaneity, rather than those that utilise leadership acumen and intellectual skill. There has been a great deal of academic research exploring how such essentialised and racialised representations play out for Aboriginal athletes. In this paper, however, we extend that research, examining how racialised representations of Aboriginal athletic ability affect Aboriginal coaches. Premised on interviews with 26 Aboriginal Australian coaches, we argue that representations of Aboriginal athletes as naturally suited to speed and flair, rather than leadership and sporting-intellect, help maintain an environment that limits opportunities for Aboriginal Australians seeking to move into sporting leadership roles, such as coaching. This paper sheds light on the ways in which racialised representations of Aboriginal athletes feed into a settler colonialist narrative that stymies opportunities for aspiring Aboriginal professional coaches, and speculates on the limitations of this approach, in challenging the political hegemony of settler colonialism.
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It is often argued that while state rhetoric may be inclusionary, policies and practices may be exclusionary. This can imply that the power to include rests only with the state. In some ways, the implication is valid in respect of Aboriginal Australians. For instance, the Australian state has gained control of Aboriginal inclusion via a singular, bounded category and Aboriginal ideal type. However, the implication is also limited in their respect. Aborigines are abject but also agents in their relationship with the wider society. Their politics contributes to the construction of the very category and type that governs them, and presses individuals to resist state inclusionary efforts. Aboriginal political elites police the performance of an Aboriginality dominated by notions of difference and resistance. The combined processes of governance act to deny Aborigines the potential of being both Aboriginal and Australian, being different and belonging. They maintain Aborigines' marginality.
It is often argued that while state rhetoric may be inclusionary, policies and practices may be exclusionary. This can imply that the power to include rests only with the state. In some ways, the implication is valid in respect of Aboriginal Australians. For instance, the Australian state has gained control of Aboriginal inclusion via a singular, bounded category and Aboriginal ideal type. However, the implication is also limited in their respect. Aborigines are abject but also agents in their relationship with the wider society. Their politics contributes to the construction of the very category and type that governs them, and presses individuals to resist state inclusionary efforts. Aboriginal political elites police the performance of an Aboriginality dominated by notions of difference and resistance. The combined processes of governance act to deny Aborigines the potential of being both Aboriginal and Australian, being different and belonging. They maintain Aborigines' marginality.
McGregor offers a holistic interpretation of the complex relationship between Indigenous and settler Australians during the middle four decades of the twentieth century. Combining the perspectives of political, social and cultural history in a coherent narrative, he provides a cogent analysis of how the relationship changed, and the impediments to change
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This essay explores the ways in which Indigenous issues were framed, amplified and subverted in the national discourse in the lead up to the 2016 federal election. An examination of key theories on minority group representation and participation in democratic process provides the framework through which channels for Indigenous self-determination on key political issues in the Australian context are examined.