Suchergebnisse

This statement addresses the Board of Election Supervisors with regard to their careless practices with the Navajo Nation. The author of this statement cites ten examples of the Board abusing their positions by taking advantage of a small board and by offering payment for backing certain agendas. This author offers the suggestion of administrative rehabilitation. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE: Raymond Nakai, a Navajo Indian, was born in 1918 in Lukachukai, Arizona, on the Navajo Reservation. Raymond Nakai is noted as being the first modern Navajo political leader serving as Chairman of the Navajo Nation from 1963-1971. As chairman, the issues most important during his tenure were self determination in Navajo Education, reservation unemployment, developing Navajo economy, further development of the tribal government and improving relations with the federal government and surrounding states. Nakai had much unprecedented success as Navajo Tribal Chairman: In 1967 the Navajo Nation Bill of Rights was created, in 1968 Navajo Community College opened being the first tribally controlled community college, the Tribal Scholarship Trust was developed, relations with off reservation natural resource companies began, he was supportive of religious freedom of the Native American Church on the Navajo Reservation. Raymond Nakai led an active personal and political life and was an innovative leader for the Navajo People. The Raymond Nakai Collection contains material documenting his activities as Chairman of the Navajo Nation from 1963 - 1971.

In France, general norms litigation is nowadays divided into two main groups, the actions for abuse of power directed against the normative acts and the control of constitutionality of the laws. Sharing a certain number of similarities, they are analyzed not only as "objective litigation", but also as "cancellation litigation". Thus, in order to fulfill their role, French constitutional and administrative judges must both, first, establish a norm-to-norm report and, if necessary, cancel the general legal act contrary to a superior legal norm. These similarities contrast with the different conditions in which the two judges of the Palais-Royal are called to judge. This permanent tension between the similarities they share and the different conditions in which they are called to judge makes the relationships between the role of the Constitutional Council and that of the abuse of power's judge oscillate between unity and duality. Precisely, the present comparative study, named "Abuse of legislative power and abuse of administrative power" after the study of Dean Vedel in the first numbers of Constitutional Council Review, aims to demonstrate that, as the stages of litigation progress, the approach of the Constitutional Council and that of the administrative judge get closer to the point of identifying. The inscription of this comparison in the framework of a theory of legal constraints allows us to show that if, in the search for abuse of power, the role of French constitutional and administrative judges is dominated by duality, it is, in the sanction of abuse of power, marked by a deep unity. ; En France, le contentieux des normes générales se décline aujourd'hui en deux ensembles principaux, le recours pour excès de pouvoir dirigé contre les actes réglementaires et le contrôle de constitutionnalité des lois. Partageant un certain nombre de propriétés, ces derniers s'analysent non seulement comme des « contentieux objectifs », mais également comme des « contentieux d'annulation ». C'est ainsi qu'afin d'accomplir ...

In France, general norms litigation is nowadays divided into two main groups, the actions for abuse of power directed against the normative acts and the control of constitutionality of the laws. Sharing a certain number of similarities, they are analyzed not only as "objective litigation", but also as "cancellation litigation". Thus, in order to fulfill their role, French constitutional and administrative judges must both, first, establish a norm-to-norm report and, if necessary, cancel the general legal act contrary to a superior legal norm. These similarities contrast with the different conditions in which the two judges of the Palais-Royal are called to judge. This permanent tension between the similarities they share and the different conditions in which they are called to judge makes the relationships between the role of the Constitutional Council and that of the abuse of power's judge oscillate between unity and duality. Precisely, the present comparative study, named "Abuse of legislative power and abuse of administrative power" after the study of Dean Vedel in the first numbers of Constitutional Council Review, aims to demonstrate that, as the stages of litigation progress, the approach of the Constitutional Council and that of the administrative judge get closer to the point of identifying. The inscription of this comparison in the framework of a theory of legal constraints allows us to show that if, in the search for abuse of power, the role of French constitutional and administrative judges is dominated by duality, it is, in the sanction of abuse of power, marked by a deep unity. ; En France, le contentieux des normes générales se décline aujourd'hui en deux ensembles principaux, le recours pour excès de pouvoir dirigé contre les actes réglementaires et le contrôle de constitutionnalité des lois. Partageant un certain nombre de propriétés, ces derniers s'analysent non seulement comme des « contentieux objectifs », mais également comme des « contentieux d'annulation ». C'est ainsi qu'afin d'accomplir ...

Organized by the United Nations in cooperation with the government of Sweden. ; Bound with: 1961 seminar on the protection of human rights in the administration of criminal justice. 1961. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Appendix."--p. [16]-124. Includes Henry's memorial of Feb. 27, 1829, to the New York Legislature, together with assorted documents and correspondence. ; Checklist Amer. imprints ; Mode of access: Internet.

von Klaus Westen ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 4 Z 68.247-1969,1/10

I will argue that in the administrative state, in contrast to classical constitutional theory, the abuse of government power is not something to be strictly minimized, but rather optimized. An administrative regime will tolerate a predictable level of misrule, even abuse of power, as the inevitable byproduct of attaining other ends that are desirable overall. There are three principal grounds for this claim. First, the architects of the modern administrative state were not only worried about misrule by governmental officials. They were equally worried about "private" misrule—misrule effected through the self-interested or self-serving behavior of economic actors wielding and abusing power under the rules of the 18th-century common law of property, tort, and contract. The administrative state thus trades off governmental and "private" misrule. Second, the rate of change in the policy environment, especially in the economy, is much greater than in the late 18th century—so much greater that the administrative state has been forced, willy-nilly, to speed up the rate of policy adjustment. The main speeding-up mechanism has been ever- greater delegation to the executive branch, accepting the resulting risks of error and abuse. Third, the costs of enforcing legal rules against executive officials are necessarily positive and plausibly large, in part because any institutional monitors created to detect and punish abuses must themselves be monitored for abuse. The architects of the administrative state believed that a government that always forms undistorted judgments, and that never abuses its power, will do too little, do it too amateurishly, and do it too slowly. In that sense, the administrative state constantly gropes towards an institutional package solution that embodies an optimal level of abuse of power.

Item 1042. ; "Serial no. 96-95" incorrect in publication. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Serial no. 110-172." ; Shipping list no.: 2009-0314-P. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Serial no. 106-73." ; Shipping list no.: 2001-0059-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Microfiche. ; Microfiche. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Serial no. J-111-8." ; Shipping list no.: 2010-0125-P. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This article surveys the possible application of International Criminal Law to address abuse of power. It thereby aims to stimulate discussion on criminal responsibility for abuse of power. Military commanders and civilian superiors, including politicians, can under conditions be held liable for abusing their power position in relation to the commitment of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. War crimes require a state of conflict, while crimes against humanity and genocide can take place in both times of peace and war. Criminal forms of participation include committing and ordering such crimes. The abuse of a position of authority can be an aggravating factor in the sentencing. Even if the superior did not get involved in the crime directly, command responsibility can be established if the superior did not prevent his or her subordinates from committing the crime. It can also be established if the superior did not punish these subordinates for committing the crime. Criteria include that the commander or superior had effective control over his or her subordinates, whether on a legal basis or in fact, and knew or had reason to know that they were committing or about to commit such crimes. Therefore, people who abuse their position to, for example, cause or maintain a conflict situation at the cost of the human security of population groups, could find themselves accused of having committed international crimes.

"Serial no. 103-29." ; Shipping list no.: 94-0177-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Mode of access: Internet.

It occurs very often to observe the exploitation of common people by the politicians owing to leader's bad use of his absolute power and the silence of the people. It appears that knowledge and education will lead to absolute power which culminates in suffering and oppression of simple and naïve people in the Soviet Union.The language used in Animal Farm was not known by the majority and this leads to threat through different principles and laws. This enabled the leaders to exploit the others for their greedy desires and to do abnormal actions. As a result of the use of a vague language and the implementation of fear tactics then creating laws to help them to manipulate others, they could convince them and then they invented lies at the interest of leaders. Yet the others due to their simplicities were easily convinced, while power could be used to serve the entire population of the Soviet Union.

"Serial no. 103-34." ; Shipping list no.: 94-0251-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Mode of access: Internet.