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Violent conflict is very old in human society. The development of military technology brought with itself the worst tragedies loss of human live and material devastation in the second half of 20th century in the Horn of Africa. This region is one of the centers of various political violent conflicts in the world, according to length of these violent conflicts, the number of death of people, mainly civilian, refugees and internal displaced persons (IDP). This study elucidates the root causes of long wars in the Horn of Africa focusing mainly on South Sudan and Somalia. It also illustrates how the Super Powers during the Cold War helped their client states to prolong the suffering of people in the region. When Socialist system disappeared from Eastern Europe, Mengistu Haile Mariam's and Siyad Barre's regime ignominiously collapsed. In Ethiopia Amhara power elite, who ruled the Empire state from 1889 to 1991 lost their state power and Tigrian guerrilla fighters captured it through the power of the gun, Eritrea gained its independence from Ethiopia, South Sudan is emerging from long heinous war to independence. The violent conflict in Somalia transformed after the old regime demise in 1991 and the new leaders unable to build new central government. Somalia is fragmented and became the good example of failed state in the theory of contemporary political sociology. The paper tries to explain these complex violent conflicts in this part of Africa.

This paper is focused on the sub-regional level of integration in the region of Southern Africa. It aims to sketch the formation and operation of the most important development corridors (DC), spatial development initiatives (SDI) and industrial development zones (IDZ). From a theoretical point of view, this article is based on the concept of the new regionalism approach (NRA), especially with its emphasis on non-state actors (such as civic society, private enterprises, and financial corporations) in the process of integration. The hypothesis of the text is the following: sub-regional integration is currently the most dynamically developing form of integration. Judging by the way it exists and works, it has the best potential to contribute to African economic development. The paper summarizes the most important cases of sub-regional integration projects, describes their specificities and main characteristics, and points out some weak and strong features of this kind of integration. Adapted from the source document.

The author aims to evaluate Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) with regard to another theoretical approach to security -- Network Actors Perspective (NAP). The evaluation will focus on how RSCT takes into account the influence of non-state actors on regional security dynamics & their growing deterritorialization. Firstly the regional level of analysis approach will be sketched, & the emphasis will lie on RSCT as defined by Barry Buzan & Ole Wcver. It's important characteristics & features will be critically compared with those of NAP. The result will be further illustrated through a case of a regional security complex -- the Horn of Africa. Adapted from the source document.

This text deals with the development assistance of the Republic of South Africa after the fall of the apartheid era. The article is framed by the theory of South-South cooperation, which was established in the 1950's and has risen since the beginning of the 1990's. The paper consists of two parts. The first one is focused on the theory of South-South cooperation with an emphasis on development cooperation. Five particular features which distinguish the South-South cooperation from the 'Western approach' are mentioned in this part. The second part tries to apply the mentioned features to the development cooperation of the Republic of South Africa. In the last section we briefly summarize some new information about the South-South cooperation. To put it briefly, we can say that the development cooperation of the Republic of South Africa is characterized by many particular features. Adapted from the source document.

UN peacekeeping operations are viewed as a relevant instrument of conflict resolution in the post-Cold War era. A significant part of them operates in Africa, the place with the largest "demand" for conflict resolution. Why are some operations successful, while others not? What are the determinants of their success? The author focuses on six determinants relevant for the outcome of peacekeeping operations: support of the UN Security Council, a clear & feasible mandate, equipment & size of the operation, duration of the operation, will of the belligerents to end the conflict peacefully & support of an African regional organization. Based on case studies representing ten UN peacekeeping operations in Africa, the author evaluates the determinants of success & thus shows the difficult striving of UN peacekeeping for success. Adapted from the source document.

The article aims to review the political developments in African states throughout their recent post-colonial past. Uprooting political violence & anchoring a stable structure based on a society-wide consensus being just two of the several prerequisites for solving so many other problems which trouble Africa today, this article aims to diagnose at least some root causes & consequences of the generally unsatisfactory political situation on the continent. Having identified a set of political instability symptoms (coups d'etat, civil wars, failed putches etc.) the author first ranks African states according to their political instability rate. On the basis of statistical correlation analysis, the author then investigates the relation between political instability in Africa & a number of quantifiable geographical, demographical, military & economic variables. The author has identified some dispositions increasing -- though with only small statistical significance -- the probability of instability in African states. In order of importance, these include: large territory, high illiteracy rate, low urbanization, high number of ethnic groups living within the territory, & large population. Also, there is a close link between political instability & governmental military spending. It probably has a negative impact on a number of key economic indicators, be it GDP growth, GDP per capita levels, domestic savings, or price level developments. In the final part of his article, the author makes a brief summary of political developments in African countries in the 21st century. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

Environmental change (including climate change) affects natural and socio-economic systems as well as migration patterns. Migration is a part of the cultural habits of various societies and serves as a survival or personal development strategy. If we focus on the relationship between migration and climate change (in terms of changes of temperatures, changes of precipitation patterns, extreme weather events occurrence, etc.), migration could be perceived as a short-term coping strategy or a long-term adaptation strategy. The main aim of the paper is to deal with the relationship between climate change and the migration strategies of various peoples who immigrate as a reaction to changes in their living conditions. Two case studies from South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa demonstrate two different approaches of local communities to tackling the impacts of climate change. The empirical qualitative field research showed that the communities from South Asia perceived climate change as one of the significant factors encouraging migration, while in Sub-Saharan Africa migration on such a substantial scale in relation to climate change did not take place. Adapted from the source document.

The present study deals with mediation as a possible tool for peaceful conflict resolution. Mediation is a non-violent intervention of a third party in a conflict. It is aimed at finding a solution to the conflict that would be acceptable for both sides, which are incapable of finding such a solution on their own. The existing theoretical frameworks of mediation analyse mainly its static aspects. Thus the author seeks to analyse its dynamic aspects and define the necessary conditions which may lead to a peaceful resolution of a conflict. As an example, the article presents a case study based on the civil war in Liberia, which lasted more than six years. It took several rounds of mediation and thirteen signed peace accords until a peace resolution of the first civil war was finally achieved. Through his qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) of these peace accords, the author concludes with a general assessment of mediation for peace resolutions of African conflicts. Adapted from the source document.

The origin of the apartheid regime was based on the Calvinist idea of Afrikaners being "the nation privileged by God." This idea had resulted in sharp discrimination of the African population since the 1850's. This political process was even more strengthened during the Nationalist Party (NP) period of government after the 1948 elections. Afrikaner nationalism reached its peak in May 1961 with the unilateral declaration of an independent South African Republic. But the apartheid regime entered into a period of deep crisis at the end of the 70's, and the fragile status quo started to become untenable. The new Prime Minister PW Botha initiated a reform process, which was refused by conservative members. They withdrew from the NP and formed the Conservative Party (CP). Its strongly nationalistic rhetoric was caused by the increasing activity of black organizations, and was reflected in the results of the 1987 elections when it became the strongest opposition party with 30% of the votes. Nevertheless, the reform process continued. The new president FW de Klerk legalized the black organizations, released political prisoners, and arranged the national referendum in which white voters decided to end the apartheid regime. Together with the consecutive loss of influential positions in the army and the death of the CP's leader, it substantially weakened the position of the Afrikaner conservative right wing. Finally, one section of the right wing decided to terminate the boycott of negotiations and to participate in the forthcoming elections. The only Afrikaner party was called the Freedom Front (FF), but it gained only 2% of the votes. The peaceful course during and after the elections weakened the conservatives even further. In the elections of 1999 and 2004, the FF didn't exceed even 1% of votes and is now a marginalized political party. Some militarized illegal organizations still exist in South Africa, but the government has been successful in eliminating these groups. Afrikaner nationalism still exists, but due to the evolution of the political situation it is diminishing. Adapted from the source document.

This article presents a qualitative and empirically oriented analysis of the Italian political discourse which took place in response to the immigration wave that appeared after the outbreak of the Arab Spring in the first half of 2011. Using the concept of securitization introduced by the Copenhagen School, the author seeks to deconstruct the discursive strategy of Silvio Berlusconi's government at the time, which was intended to legitimize extraordinary reactive measures at both national and supranational (EU) levels. The author also provides an interpretation of how the Italian cabinet presented the mass influx of African migrants while exerting instrumental pressure on the EU to provide appropriate assistance to Italy. The article concludes by showing how the discourse, which was accompanied by administrative and political practices, led to an escalation of the crisis within the EU and subsequently opened up the space for a fundamental revision of the rules regarding the Schengen area. Adapted from the source document.

The article compares the foreign energy strategies of the EU and the PRC on the African continent within the context of the efforts of ensuring the diversifiction of the supply of fossil fuels. Both actors are connecting some sets of values to their strategies, and these values are integral to their perception of the international environment. The main purpose of the article is to compare these strategies, especially in the context of the values that are connected with them -- e.g. state sovereignty, human rights, and social responsibility -- and the impact of these values on the form of the energetic strategies. While the EU urges normative values such as democratic government, human rights and quality public domain management, the PRC adheres to the values of non-interference, state sovereignty and, last but not least, the principle of "One China". Despite the fact that, rhetorically, the two actors share some of the same principles, they are applied differently by each actor due to the actors' diametrically different understandings of these principles. In addition to that, it is necessary to lay emphasis on the difference between the official and the actual strategies of both actors. Adapted from the source document.

This study deals with the issue of development relations between China and Africa in the context of the Beijing concensus. It attempts to provide an analysis of Chinese foreign policy since the beginning of the 90's. The text is divided into three basic parts. The first contains discussion on the theories of development, including the main features of the (post)Washington concensus based on liberalism, decentralization and privatization, followed by the Beijing concensus representing the counter-paradigm. The second focuses on the historical roots of bilateral relations since the beginning of the 20th century until the end of the Cold War. TAZARA, the Tanzania-Zambia railway built by China is chosen as the most representative example of Chinese foreign policy during the Cold War period. The last part deals with current relations influenced by Chinese oil diplomacy and the so-called one-China policy. Sudan and Angola are chosen as significant examples of African states in which China is involved. Adapted from the source document.