Suchergebnisse

Examines institutional structures as a frame for economic activity, the free market philosophy and its practical effects in Egypt, development as a source of profit to the North, and impact of the Algerian conflict on women's political associations; 4 articles.

The paper sketches out the evolution of South Africa's relations with black Africa and the new pattern of intra-regional relations emerging in Southern Africa. A strategy to promote constructive interaction between South Africa and the rest of the continent is outlined. (DÜI-Sen)

This article examines aspects of the complex relationship between South Africa and the rest of Africa from the presidency of Nelson Mandela through those of Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma, showing how the relationship changed over time and exploring the influences that shaped South Africa's policy on and toward the continent—a policy that has largely been determined by the presidency rather than the Department of Foreign Affairs/International Relations and Co-operation. To understand the changing relationship between South Africa and the rest of the continent, it is necessary to consider, first, the history before 1994, then the dramatically altered situation that the transfer of power in South Africa brought about, Thabo Mbeki's interventionist approach to Africa in general, and Jacob Zuma's ambiguous involvement in continental affairs. The article concludes with some speculative thoughts on the role that South Africa may play on the continent in the future.

IN 1997 SUBSAHARAN AFRICA LIVED UP TO ITS IMAGE AS A CONTINENT RACKED BY VIOLENCE AND DISORDER. WAR BROKE OUT OR CONTINUED IN ZAIRE (THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO -- DROC), CONGO-BRAZZAVILLE, SIERRA LEONE, SOMALIA, SENEGAL, SUDAN, AND BURUNDI. MEANWHILE, NEW UNREST ERUPTED IN ANGOLA, RWANDA, KENYA, THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, AND ZAMBIA. ALTHOUGH MOST AFRICAN CONFLICTS ARE DRIVEN LARGELY BY INTERNAL FACTORS, A NUMBER OF INTERNATIONAL TRENDS ARE EMERGING. FIRST IS THE GROWING INFLUENCE OF THE RWANDA-UGANDA-DROC AXIS THAT IS CLOSELY ALLIED TO ERITREA AND ETHIOPIA. IN WEST AFRICA, NIGERIAN TROOPS ARE PLAYING AN INCREASINGLY FORCEFUL ROLE. SOUTH AFRICA, DESPITE ITS DOMESTIC DIFFICULTIES, CONTINUES TO BE THE ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL DRIVING FORCE IN SOUTHERN AFRICA AND HAS EXTENDED ITS INFLUENCE NORTHWARD.

According to the IMF, some of the fastest-growing economies in the world in 2013 will be in sub-Saharan Africa. At the same time, many Western analysts describe 'an arc of instability' spreading across the Sahel region of West Africa. The juxtaposition of these two judgements encapsulates the continent's current contradictions. While there are varying degrees of hope in two of the most conflict-ridden countries -- Somalia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) -- al-Qaeda-linked militants have found new homes in northern Mali and Nigeria. In the year the African Union (previously called the Organisation of African Unity) turned 50, there was some cause for optimism. Fears of electoral violence in Kenya proved unfounded, and the two Sudans seemed to have resolved their oil dispute. However, the credibility of the African Union itself was damaged by its inability to deal with the recent crisis in Mali, while coups continued in West Africa. The continent's largest and most industrialised economy, South Africa, was haunted by a reminder of its violent apartheid-era past with the deaths of 34 miners in a bitter industrial dispute. Even in some of the most buoyant economies, such as Mozambique, not everyone was sharing in the boom. The mantra of 'African solutions for African problems' still seemed a long way from being realised in the security arena. Adapted from the source document.

African development is a key theme for Britain's presidencies of the G-8 group of industrialized countries & the European Union. As part of this, Prime Minister Tony Blair launched the Commission for Africa project to draw up an agenda for action. After a year's work the commission will publish its final report this month, probably simultaneously in New York, Addis Ababa & London. The project has drawn criticism as accident prone & long on rhetoric; can it deliver? Adapted from the source document.

"Anfang August der Militärputsch in Mauretanien, die anhaltende Krise in Simbabwe und das Verhalten des Baschir-Regimes im sudanesischen Darfur - nur einige Beispiele, die nahe zu legen scheinen, dass autoritäre Regime in Afrika wieder an Boden gewinnen. Ist auf dem Kontinent eine Renaissance autoritärer Herrschaft zu erwarten - möglicherweise unterstützt durch China? Mit der 'dritten Welle' der Demokratisierung war bis Ende der 1990er Jahre ein deutlicher Rückgang autoritärer Regime zu verzeichnen, der allerdings seither keine Fortsetzung findet. Die Form der autoritären Herrschaft hat sich stark verändert: Herrschten bis Anfang der 1990er Jahre Militärdiktaturen und Einparteiregime vor, so ist heute in Afrika der Typ des 'elektoralen Autoritarismus' dominant, in dem beschränkte Wahlen zugelassen sind. Allgemein können - neben den üblichen Repressionsinstrumenten - grob drei Stützen dieser Regime identifiziert werden: Ressourcenreichtum, 'Neopatrimonialismus' und eingeschränkter Mehrparteienwettbewerb. Die neue Strategie des eingeschränkten Parteienwettbewerbs trägt möglicherweise den Keim für Instabilität und weitere Demokratisierungsprozesse in sich - falls der wirtschaftliche Erfolg autoritärer Systeme ausbleibt. Chinas gewachsene Präsenz auf dem Kontinent wird voraussichtlich weniger Einfluss auf die politische Herrschaft in Afrika haben als vielfach erwartet: China sucht nicht den Export seines 'Modells', während die liberalen afrikanischen Demokratien ihren Einfluss geltend machen." (Autorenreferat)

In fünf Kapiteln sind Literaturnachweise und Darstellungen zu Forschungsprojekten versammelt, die sich mit Südafrika auseinandersetzen. Folgende Aspekte werden abgedeckt: Politik, Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft in Südafrika, die Rolle des Staates auf internationaler Ebene, die gesellschaftliche Entwicklung im Zuge des Aussöhnungsprozesses sowie HIV und AIDS als schwerwiegendes gesellschaftliches und innenpolitisches Problem. Abschließend wird in einem fünften Kapitel die Weltmeisterschaft in Südafrika aus sozialwissenschaftlicher Perspektive beleuchtet.

The path to stability and democracy in Africa faced challenges across the continent in the year to mid-2012. Coups d'etat in Mali and Guinea Bissau were particular reminders of the chronic difficulties faced by African nations, as were the tensions that surrounded electoral processes in countries such as Cote d'Ivoire, Kenya, Liberia and Zimbabwe. Islamist violence in Nigeria underlined the vulnerability to extremist influences of areas afflicted by poverty and inequality. Also pointing to the region's fragility were the spillover effects in sub-Saharan Africa of unrest in the Arab world, which had toppled three North African regimes in 2011. Among these effects were destabilising flows of returnees, and protests inspired by the Arab uprisings. Overall, events in the 12-month period suggested that, while the continent as a whole has been making significant economic progress, continuation of this positive trend remained vulnerable to political and ethnic disputes, authoritarian governance and in some places to extremism -- as well as to natural disasters such as drought and famine. The brightest development was unexpected progress towards a long-hoped-for political settlement in Somalia, backed by military advances against the al-Shabaab militia group in which several countries participated. Adapted from the source document.

MUCH OF THE WORLD SEES AFRICA AS ONE OF TWO EXTREMES. EITHER IT IS A CONTINENT BESET BY GENOCIDAL WARFARE, CORRUPT LEADERS, AND RAMPANT POVERTY OR IT IS A REGION ABOUT TO ENTER A DEMOCRATIC AND ECONOMIC RENAISSANCE. IN REALITY, AFRICA IS NEITHER ON THE VERGE OF ANARCHY NOR AT THE DAWN OF RENEWAL. AFRICANS HAVE BEGUN CONFRONTING THEIR CONTINENT'S PROBLEMS, BUT THEY ARE DOING SO IN A MANNER THAT THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY MIGHT NOT ALWAYS FIND ACCEPTABLE.