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An estimated 1,018,700 or 3.7 percent of African-American adults consider themselves lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender (LGBT) and 34 percent of African-American same-sex couples are raising children. Currently, the estimated 84,000 African-American individuals in same-sex couples tend to live in areas where there are higher proportions of African-Americans. For example, a quarter of African-American same-sex couples live in Georgia, New York, North Carolina, and Maryland. The report finds overall higher unemployment rates (15 percent v. 12 percent) and lower proportions with a college degree (23 percent v. 26 percent) among LGBT African-Americans, when compared to their non-LGBT counterparts. However, these disadvantages are not present among African-Americans in same-sex couples. Twenty-five percent of African-Americans in same-sex couples have completed a college degree, compared to 22 percent of African-Americans in different-sex couples. In addition, 71 percent of African-Americans in same-sex couples are employed compared to 68 percent of their counterparts in different-sex couples. LGBT African-Americans are also less likely than their non-LGBT counterparts to have health insurance. African-American same-sex couples raising children, report household median incomes $15,000 lower than comparable African-American different-sex couples ($47,300 vs. $63,020). Female African-American same-sex couples, which comprise 58 percent of all African-American same-sex couples, earn over $20,000 less than male African-American same-sex couples. LGBT African-American females and African-American females in same-sex couples are three times more likely to report military service than their non-LGBT counterparts.

This issue brief will discuss African American protest politics. It will describe the transition from popular mass movement to radicalism and nationalism, to participation in mainstream political culture.

Despite the significant study of western history and African-American migration throughout the United States, until recent years the experience of African Americans in the West has gone largely untold. This is especially true in regards to African-American women and their contribution to western communities. Through a detailed historical analysis, this paper will identify some of the important African-American women in Montana's past, shedding light on their experiences and main contributions. The essay leans on reputable primary and secondary sources including applications to the National Register of Historic Places, census data, and the writings of historians such as Dr. Quintard Taylor. I argue that African-American women played a crucial role in the creation and cultivation of African-American communities throughout Montana. Through the organization and mobilization of social groups, participation in social and political change, and by capitalizing on economic opportunities, African-American women were able to challenge western social norms and create lasting change that we can see across Montana today. These women were able to uplift the entirety of their community, generating improvements that are being celebrating in current times. Because of the near invisibility of these women in the historic record, it is paramount their contributions be studied, recognized, and appreciated today.

Does the growing polarization in socioeconomic status make the African-American population more heterogeneous in terms of political alignment and racial attitudes? Does such polarization encourage middle class blacks to align with middle class whites, ultimately diluting the cohesiveness of the African-American community?

More and more autobiographical texts produced by nineteenth-century African American women have attracted the attention of historical and literary theorists within the past decade. Despite the historical, sociological, and political constructs and ideologies that would repress their voices, these African American women assumed literary power over their personal narratives and left written records of their respective struggles for freedom from all forms of oppression. My aim is to identify and valorize the "mother tongue" characteristics of the nineteenth-century African American female voice as that voice occupied the places, spaces, and gaps related to the "traditional" autobiographical canon. I focus on the following four mid- to late-nineteenth-century African American female autobiographers and the personal narratives that each produced: Harriet E. Wilson, Our Nig; or, Sketches from the Life of a Free Black, in a Two-Story White House, North. Showing That Slavery's Shadows Fall Even There; Harriet A. Jacobs, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, Written By Herself; Elizabeth Keckley, Behind the Scenes. Or, Thirty Years a Slave, and Four Years in the White House; and Susie King Taylor, Reminiscences of My Life in Camp With the 33rd United States Colored Troops Late 1st S.C. Volunteers. ; I place my primary focus on the similar and dissimilar ways in which Wilson, Jacobs, Keckley, and Taylor literally and figuratively used an African American "mother tongue" that grew out of the Southern American slavocracy to empower themselves by turning aside oppression through resistance. This mother tongue is characterized by the use of techniques to confound the power of the oppressor, techniques such as silences, hesitations, feigned misunderstandings, lying, sass, invective, ironic humor, among others. Each of these four nineteenth-century African American women--as slave, former slave, or freedwoman--laid claim to all such communicative techniques as she sought to combat the oppression that hindered her because she was both a woman and an African American. ; Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 58-04, Section: A, page: 1285. ; Major Professor: Bonnie Braendlin. ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1997.

African Americans in Florida struggled to bring democracy to their state during the white backlash to post Civil War reconstruction.

African Americans in Florida struggled to bring democracy to their state during the white backlash to post Civil War reconstruction.

African Americans in Florida struggled to bring democracy to their state during the white backlash to post Civil War reconstruction.

This collection is comprised of images pertaining to the social and political lives of African Americans. The collection is divided into four series: Political, Lifestyle, Advertising and Entertainment. The majority of the images are of 19th century origin and were published in major magazines at the time, such as Harpers Illustrated, Puck and Ladies Home Journal. Major artists include Nast and Sheppard.

This paper explores representations in literature of the direct and indirect consequences of the U.S. state of policing on twenty-first-century African American children. Ever since Achille Mbembe's first conceptualization of necropolitics as an ultimate expression of sovereignty in late-modern colonial contexts, the incessant development in the United States of more and more subtle ways to enforce necro citizenship on specific demographic groups have prompted scholars to further reflect on attitudes toward death in contemporary Western societies. In particular, the necessity emerged to restore necropolitics' role as a universal process underlying the establishment of communities' cultural and historical awareness through the practice of collective mourning. By analyzing children characters in Jesmyn Ward's Sing, Unburied, Sing, I argue that if, on the one hand, children's inherent ability to represent the future is marred among African Americans by ongoing racial discrimination and injustice, on the other hand, it can also become a powerful means to overturn oppressive necropolitical discourses and practices. While engaging in a long tradition of protest literature which uses African spirituality to create literary sites of resistance for Black Americans, Ward's novel intersects Sharon P. Holland's theory about the liberating, political power of creative writing on several levels, the most interesting and subversive of which is Kayla's character. The three-year-old 'crossblood' toddler does not only embody the past and present history of African Americans, from the experience of the Middle Passage to a condition of forced silence; more significantly, she challenges received assumptions about childhood and the marginal(ized) position of her people in U.S. society by engaging with death and the dead, thus offering a redemptive and liberating perspective from which to conceive and (re)build African Americans' future.

This brief provides highlights from the 2020 National Survey of Military-Affiliated Entrepreneurs study focusing on Black and African American veteran entrepreneurs. These findings are based on the data collected from 333 Black and African American veteran entrepreneurs, which represents 21% of the respondents that answered the race/ethnicity question of the 2020 survey. This study monitors trends in the activity, needs, and economic, social, and policy barriers of military-affiliated entrepreneurs in the United States.

This dissertation is a study of African Americans and U.S. foreign policy toward Africa in the post-civil rights era. It adds to the literature on African Americans in international affairs by exploring the ways that the liberation movements in Southern Africa became a central focus among Black leaders in different ideological camps. It also highlights Congressional politics, mass mobilization, and institution building as strategies employed by African American activists to challenge U.S. political and economic policies toward Southern Africa. Chronicling the rise and fall of these approaches, this study also gives significant attention to the founding of the foreign policy lobby TransAfrica in 1977. Moreover, it highlights how TransAfrica became the principal intermediary for African American interests in U.S. foreign policy, as exemplified by its rise to the forefront of the U.S. based anti-apartheid movement activities. Drawing upon the fields of African American politics, African American history, and international relations, and theories of transnationalism and diaspora, I provide an alternative conceptual framework for the intersection of race and foreign policy. To these ends, this project offers the concept "adversarial diplomacy" to characterize the activities of non-state actors that circumvent the diplomatic functions traditionally reserved by the state. Focusing on the international political activism of African Americans, this study highlights Congressional politics, intellectual politics, mass mobilization, and institution building as dominant approaches to adversarial diplomacy.

Does the variation in class status of African Americans challenge notion of singularity among black race? I will explore attitudinal differences and political party differences to address the question of the impact of socioeconomic diversity on what has been previously called a singular African American community.

Almost 6000 African American men gave their lives in the Vietnam War. While peaceful protests, voter registration drives, and racial confrontations occurred throughout the United States, the government continued to send young Black men to Southeast Asia to preserve the "freedom" of the Vietnamese people. The irony of this situation lies in the fact that these soldiers were asked to fight a War in the name of democracy, to kill in order to secure rights that they themselves were being denied. Although many Black Americans saw military service as a means of escaping poor ghetto life, they often were confronted with the realities of discriminatory practices within the Army and the continuation of racism upon their return home. The poetry of Amiri Baraka, Nikki Giovanni, and Yusef Komunyakaa explore what African American participation in the Vietanam War really meant. By using literary techniques unique to the Black Aesthetic and the Black Arts Movement of the 1960s, these poets lyrically showed how Black involvement in the War aided the dominant white culture in its attempt for racial genocide. While Baraka related the oppressed condition of the African American to that of oppression in Third World countries, Nikki Giovanni wrote to prove that the War was a waste of Black youth that could better be used in the struggle for Civil Rights in the United States. Yusef Komunyakaa, writing from a veteran's perspective almost two decades later, showed how the Vietnam War both blurred and emphasized the racial divisions between Black and white soldiers, along with the Vietnamese people themselves.

Ohne afroamerikanische Geschichte kann die amerikanische Geschichte und Gegenwart nicht verstanden werden. Ihre Ausrichtung und Forschungsschwerpunkte sind daher stark geprägt von den gesellschaftlichen und politischen Konjunkturen der Zeit. Christine Knauer zeichnet in ihrem Beitrag die Genese der afroamerikanischen Geschichtsschreibung nach und verweist auf die enge Verknüpfung von Geschichtsschreibung, Freiheitskampf und Bürgerrechtsbewegung im 19. und besonders im 20. Jahrhundert. Sie beschreibt die derzeitigen Forschungsansätze und -trends in der afroamerikanischen Historiografie, die auch in der europäischen sowie deutschen Amerikaforschung zunehmend bearbeitet werden.