"An adaptation of the powerful, New York Times bestselling account of growing up Black and female in America, completely rewritten with new stories for young readers. Austin Channing Brown's first encounter with race in America came at age seven, when she discovered her parents named her Austin to trick future employers into thinking she was a white man. Growing up in majority-white schools and churches, Austin writes, "I had to learn what it means to love blackness," a journey that led to a lifetime spent navigating America's racial divide as a writer, speaker, and expert helping organizations practice genuine inclusion. For students navigating a time of racial hostility, and for the adults and educators who care for them, I'm Still Here is an empowering look at the experiences of young Black women, inviting the reader to confront apathy, recognize the work each of us is called to do, and discover how Blackness--if we let it--can save us all"--
Intro -- Introduction -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Old Wars, New Wars -- 2 Violence and the Human Factor -- 3 Military Apparatuses -- 4 Battlefields -- 5 The Propaganda Machine -- 6 War Political Economy -- 7 Perspectives on the Coming World -- 8 Conclusion. Urban Resistance to Violence -- Bibliography -- Index.
"This book interrogates the white savior industrial complex by exploring how America continues to present an imagined Africa as a space for salvation in the 21st century. Through close readings of multiple mediated sites where Americans imagine Africa, this book examines how an era of new media technologies is reshaping encounters between Africans and westerners in the 21st century, including how Africans living and experiencing the consequences of western imaginings are now also mobilizing the same mediated spaces. Kathryn Mathers emphasizes that the articulation of different forms of humanitarian engagement between America and Africa marks the necessity to interrogate the white savior industrial complex and the ways Africa is being asked to fulfill American needs as life in the United States becomes increasingly intolerable for Black Americans. Drawing on case studies from Savior Barbie (barbiesavior) to Black Panther and Black is King, Mathers posits that global imperialism not only still reigns, but that it also disguises white supremacy by outsourcing Black American emancipation onto an imagined Africa. This is crucial reading for courses on the cultural politics of representation, particularly in relation to race, social media and popular culture, as well as anyone interested in issues of representation in the global humanitarianism industry."
"Rosy, Possum, Morning Star: African American Women's Work and Play Songs" is an excerpt from a book length inquiry into, and engagement with, the song and dance of 19th-century African American women, as a source of self-authored social, literary, and historical text. The inquiry takes off from an interdisciplinary exploration of the narratives embedded in the cultural performance of early African and African American women. It explores continuities and improvisations, discursive strategies, articulations of agency, and constructions of identity in a lineage of diaspora articulation characterized by ancestral circles, acts of historical documentation and witness, and the communal creation of liminal space. Weaving together a range of study, including biography and anthropology, ethnography and musicology, poetics, art, and cultural history, on the loom of storytelling, the work also explores the symbolic range of performance inscription by reference to West African, ancient Egyptian, and San traditions, proposing an expansion of our sources and reading of diaspora literature based on the creative and theoretical inscriptions in the performed narratives of African American women.
Much of the common discourse around skin color politics in the United States of America and the African Diaspora more broadly focuses on the ways in which light skinned Black people are privileged by the patriarchal white supremacist system of racial hierarchy. This discourse often highlights the ways in which dark skinned Black people have systematically been disenfranchised by these institutional models of access that limit understandings of Black humanity. The histories of global colonization, both physical and mental, have evidently left behind remnants of internalized beliefs that linger within Black communal spaces, especially when considering the ways in which the intersection of race and gender complicate the discussion. While the prevalent scholarship on colorism highlights the dichotomy between dark and light skinned people by highlighting dark skinned people's exclusion from a privileged positionality within Blackness, this project is interested in expanding the conversation to reveal the nuanced challenges faced by those seen as most privileged within Black communities.The Racialization & Identity Construction of Light Skinned Black Womanhood is a project that looks at the ways in which light skinned Black women understand, negotiate, embrace, and/or reject notions of their gendered, racialized identity across borders. This project is grounded in theories from African American Studies, African Diaspora Studies, Anthropology, and Women and Gender Studies. It is anthropological in methodology utilizes qualitative research tools within the ethnographic tradition to broadly engage the following questions - How have light skinned Black women in the United States of America experienced their Black womanhood within the context of Black communal spaces? How have their childhood experiences with skin color politics shaped their understanding of self? How does light skinned women's understanding of racial identity and ingroup membership change as they move across international and racial borders from the United States to South Africa? How does the South African racial project of dividing Coloured and Black people inform light skinned African American women's negotiation of South Africa? In what ways do light skinned women experience racial privileging and alienation in South Africa, and how does this differ from their experiences in the Unites States of America? Each of these questions speak to larger questions about the complex intersection of gendered colorism, privilege, and alienation.Using both Dr. Yaba Blay's and Dr. Margaret Hunter's work to frame my understanding of light skinned women's racial experiences within the Black community, my research will combine existing theories of colorism within the African American community with Diasporic scholarship on racial identity across borders. I utilize Dr. Jemima Pierre's The Predicament of Blackness: Postcolonial Ghana and the Politics of Race to engage international racial construction through a nuanced lens. My framing of South African racial categorization is based on Omi and Winant's Racial Formation, and my historical context is based upon Burdened by Race : Coloured Identities in Southern Africa and Not White Enough, Not Black Enough: Racial Identity in the South African by Mohamed Adhikari. Using these texts as the foundation to my work, I conducted a series of person-centered interviews with one light skinned African American woman who had traveled to South Africa in order to capture her story. While I recognize that this story is not generalizable to the larger population of light skinned African American women, it does provide great insight into this phenomenon, making room for a larger range of experiences to be interpreted in future research to come. This project seeks to expand the conversation of African American skin color politics to an international level to better gage the impact skin complexion may have on racial identity across international borders.From placing the series of interviews conducted in conversation with the scholarship I engaged, I found that the complex histories of gendered racialization have had lasting impacts on the ways in which light skinned Black women understanding their Black womanhood today. The shameful histories of the brown paper bag test, familial passing, miscegenation, and rape all tend to influence how some light skinned women understand their own place within Blackness today. I also found that international travel does in fact complicate how one's racial identity is understood and negotiated across borders.
AbstractCrescent City Radicals: Black Working People and the Civil War Era in New OrleansJames W. IllingworthThis study examines the rise and fall of an alliance between black working people and the Republican Party in Civil War-era New Orleans. Between 1862, when Union troops invaded and occupied New Orleans, and 1877, when Reconstruction came to an end, the making and unmaking of this alliance had a crucial impact on the history of the Crescent City. In particular, the fate of this coalition was tied to the outcome of three of the central contests of the Civil War era: the military conflict between the Union and the Confederacy, the fight against slavery, and the struggle to determine on what basis Louisiana would return to the Union. This study shows how cooperation between African American working people and the Union army in occupied New Orleans contributed to the success of federal strategy in the lower Mississippi Valley, and how this collaboration led to the collapse of slavery in the city and its hinterland. Turning to the period after the Civil War, this study demonstrates how the freedpeople became the rank and file of a social movement that defeated the conservative policies of Presidential Reconstruction and elevated a Radical state government to control of Louisiana. Finally, this study reveals how growing social conflict between African American working people and the elite leadership of the Republican Party weakened the coalition's hold on politics in New Orleans and allowed a resurgence of white terrorism, spelling doom for Reconstruction in the city. This study focuses on the impact of black popular political consciousness on the rise and fall of this coalition. It begins by examining African American politics in antebellum New Orleans, and shows how black working people, free and unfree, were able to construct an embryonic civil society, despite the efforts of the white elite. Turning to the Civil War years, this study demonstrates that the arrival of Union troops in New Orleans created a degree of political freedom without precedent in the city's history, and allowed a much fuller development of black popular consciousness. As African American women and men gained in confidence, they helped to drive forward both the federal war effort and the struggle against slavery, forcing the Republican Party to adopt more radical goals and strategies. This dynamic persisted during Reconstruction, when a confident and combative social movement among black urban working people came to form the activist and electoral base for the Radical Republican state government of Louisiana. As Reconstruction progressed, however, the militancy of African Americans workers became unpalatable to elite Republicans, who increasingly sided with employers during the labor strife of the 1870s. Developments in the political consciousness of black working people therefore played a role in the retreat from Reconstruction. By focusing on New Orleans, this study reveals the particular experiences of the urban South in the Civil War era. It shows how the city provided a particularly conducive environment for the development of black political consciousness in this period. Before the Civil War, the needs of the urban-commercial economy forced slavery to adapt in several ways, introducing innovations such as slave hiring. These developments gave black working people much greater autonomy than was possible in the southern countryside, and permitted the emergence of a stronger and more politically sophisticated African American community. This tendency would continue to exert an influence on the trajectory of social contestation during the years of Civil War and Reconstruction. Black working people from New Orleans became an important connection between the Republican-led national government and the rural African American population, and thus played an especially important role in coalition-building efforts. Following emancipation, urban working people exerted a particularly powerful influence over the politics of Reconstruction thanks to their collective experience of work as wage laborers.
Cover -- Title page -- Copyright page -- About the Author -- Contents -- Acknowledgement -- Prologue -- Introduction -- Glossary of Acronyms -- Chapter 4. African and English Caribbean Contributions to the Ideology of Pan-Africanism -- Chapter 5. The Sixth Pan-African Congress of Manchester in 1945: The Era of Pan African Radicalism -- Chapter 6. Radical Pan Africanism in Apartheid Rhodesia and Apartheid South Africa -- Chapter 7. Radical Pan-Africanism and the Emerging Radical Pan Arabism -- Chapter 8. The French-Speaking African and African-Caribbean Consciousness of the Surrealist Aesthetic and Moral Philosophy and Ideology of Pan-Africanism -- Chapter 9. The Great Role Played by America and Comintern Russia in Boosting Radical Pan-Africanism after the Second World War -- 9.1. The All-African People's Conference - AAPC - In Accra, 5-13 December 1958 -- 9.2. The Second All African Peoples Second Conference In Tunis: 25-30 January 1960 -- 9.3. The Third All African People Conference: Cairo, 25-31 March 1961 -- Chapter 10. Pan-Africanism and the Organisation of African Unity -OAU -- 10.1. The Preparative Ground Work for the Launching of the Organisation of African Unity - OAU -- Chapter 11 - Pan Africanism in Africa and the Birth Throes of the Organisation of African Unity - OAU -- 11.1 The Comedy of Errors -- 11.2. The Long Drift From The Revolution Of OAU And The Rise From Grass To Grace Politics Of Unionism -- 11.3. The Success Story Of The Organisation Of African Unity - OAU -- 11.4 OAU Policy and Success Story in Decolonization, Governance and The Rule Of Law -- Chapter 12 - OAU and State Sovereignty and Boundary Conflicts -- 12.1. Defence Of Member States' Sovereignty and Territorial Integrity -- 12.2. Education, Science, Health and Social Welfare -- 12.3. OAU Conventions Of Managing Underdevelopment For Africa
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This study articulates an approach to using memoirs as instruments of historical understanding. Wallach applies these principles to a body of memoirs about life in the American South during Jim Crow segregation, including works by Zora Neale Hurston, Willie Morris, Lillian Smith, Henry Louis Gates Jr., William Alexander Percy, and Richard Wright.
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