Suchergebnisse

The democratic reforms introduced in many sub-Saharan African countries during the 1990s involved the restoration of multipartism. The re-emergence of party politics spurred a number of analyses of the continent's new parties & party systems, largely based on theories & concepts derived from the study of advanced democracies. The article reviews & critically examines recent works on Africa's parties & party systems by presenting the dominant themes & issues & by investigating the utility of Western-derived models for the analysis of new multiparty regimes. In spite of a quantitative increase & a qualitative improvement in the study of Africa's parties & party systems, the latter still suffers a scarcity of empirical & theoretical investigations. At the same time, the use of political science tools for the study of party politics south of the Sahara is part of a broader positive trend towards a better integration of the analysis of African politics with that of politics in other world areas. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

Through ethnographic investigation into the lives of economic migrants from South Africa's neighbouring countries and analysis of South Africa's post- Apartheid nation-building project and immigration policies, this paper situates the lived experiences of migrants into a larger structure of South African politics, while also proving the state's appropriation of a rights-based approach to mask their exclusionary intentions. After Apartheid, the South African government built a nation-state through the promotion of national inclusivity, expressed through the ideas of non- racialism and the rainbow nation, while establishing an immigration policy intent on excluding black African workers. Further than failing to recognize a system of labour entrenched within the country's history, and which they still depend on, this approach produced and justified xenophobic attitudes. Interviews with migrant farm workers bring forth stories of poverty and fear, where low-skilled Mozambicans and Zimbabweans become subjects of structural violence and victims of xenophobic abuse. The policies promoted by the state justify the ill-treatment of migrants, who must find ways to adapt and survive in a country actively excluding them.

Drawing upon a variety of empirical and theoretical perspectives, The Urban Climate Challenge provides a hands-on perspective about the political and technical challenges now facing cities and transnational urban networks in the global climate regime. Bringing together experts working in the fields of global environmental governance, urban sustainability and climate change, this volume explores the ways in which cities, transnational urban networks and global policy institutions are repositioning themselves in relation to this changing global policy environment. Focusing on both Northern and Southern experience across the globe, three questions that have strong bearing on the ways in which we understand and assess the changing relationship between cities and global climate system are examined. The Urban Climate Challenge will be of interest to scholars of urban climate policy, global environmental governance and climate change. It will be of interest to readers more generally interested in the ways in which cities are now addressing the inter-related challenges of sustainable urban growth and global climate change. Chapter 9 and Chapter 11 of this book are freely available as downloadable Open Access PDFs under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 3.0 license. https://s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com/tandfbis/rt-files/docs/Open+Access+Chapters/9781138776883_oachapter11.pdf Chapter 9 and Chapter 11 of this book are freely available as downloadable Open Access PDFs under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 3.0 license. https://s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com/tandfbis/rt-files/docs/Open+Access+Chapters/9781138776883_oachapter9.pdf

This article offers a critical contribution to debates around access to medicines and the global politics of pharmaceutical production in Africa. Specifically, we seek to account for a normative shift within these debates whereby the promotion of local pharmaceutical production in Africa has once again come to be viewed as a central modality for achieving access to health across the continent. While the onset of this normative shift has been highlighted by the global Covid-19 pandemic, in this article we argue that its antecedents can be traced to a more incremental process of global and regional normative change that has been in motion since the late 1990s. To illustrate this, we narrow our empirical focus onto the East African Community (EAC) and the regional initiatives its members have pursued to promote local pharmaceutical production capacities since 2012. We draw and build upon the literature on norm localization to emphasize how the emergence and distinctiveness of this policy reflected the complex way in which policy actors within the EAC sought to localize and combine separate (and somewhat competing) changing global norms around access to health and industrial policy. The article also points to the tensions and unintended consequences which emerged from this complex process of norm localization and the challenges of implementing this strategy within the institutional landscape of the EAC.

This is a review essay of Sana Aiyar's book Indians in Kenya: The Politics of Diaspora. I frame the discussion in the context not only of Indians in Kenya but also in other parts of Africa, particularly South Africa. The rhetoric of the clash of civilizations is introduced, and its implicit and explicit resonance in solidarities and tensions between Indians and Africans is discussed. After highlighting the many merits of Aiyar's account, I end with a call for a more explicit engagement with matters of gender and the role of women in this history.

THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE HISTORICAL POSITION TAKEN BY THE MAJOR CIVIL RIGHTS GROUPS AS FAR BACK AS THE NEW DEAL. THE AUTHORS THE TWO OLDEST AND LARGEST, THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE (NAACP) AND THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE (NUL). THEY CONTEND THAT THESE CIVIL RIGHTS GROUPS HAVE ALWAYS UNDERSTOOD THE EXISTENCE OF TWO AGENDAS: SOCIAL WELFARE AND CIVIL RIGHTS, AND THEY HAVE ATTEMPTED TO DEAL WITH BOTH. THE STRUGGLE TO ACHIEVE THE GOALS OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS AGENDA IS WELL KNOWN. MUSH LESS IS KNOW WHAT THOSE GROUPS ATTEMPTED TO ACHIEVE REGARDING THE SOCIAL WELFARE AGENDA AND HOW THEY RESPONDED TO THE POLITICAL REALITIES FACING THEM OVER THE DECADES. INDEED, MANY OF THE ARGUMENTS MADE TODAY ABOUT SUBORDINATING THE RACE CONCERN TO THE LARGER SOCIETAL CONCERN WERE MADE DECADES AGO. MANY OF THE WARNINGS ABOUT POLITICAL BACKLASH MADE TODAY WERE MADE DECADES BEFORE. IN OTHER WORDS, HARSH POLITICAL REALITIES FACES IN THE 1990S ARE NOT NEW TO THE CIVIL RIGHTS GROUPS, WHO HAVE ALWAYS HAD TO BALANCE LEGITIMATE CONCERNS FOR BOTH AGENDAS ON A DELICATE SCALE OF POLITICAL CALCULATION AND PRAGMATIC POLITICS. GREATER UNDERSTANDING OF THIS HISTORY OUGHT TO IMPROVE DISCUSSION OF THE POLITICS OF RACE AND SOCIAL WELFARE TODAY.

"One of the most paradoxical aspects of Cuban history is the coexistence of national myths of racial harmony with lived experiences of racial inequality. Here a historian addresses this issue by examining the ways soldiers and politicians coded their discussions of race in ideas of masculinity during Cuba's transition from colony to republic. Cuban insurgents, the author shows, rarely mentioned race outright. Instead, they often expressed their attitudes toward racial hierarchy through distinctly gendered language--revolutionary masculinity. By examining the relationship between historical experiences of race and discourses of masculinity, Lucero advances understandings about how racial exclusion functioned in a supposedly raceless society. Revolutionary masculinity, she shows, outwardly reinforced the centrality of colorblindness to Cuban ideals of manhood at the same time as it perpetuated exclusion of Cubans of African descent from positions of authority"--

Few journals in the social sciences have published as much over the past twenty years on the reality of racial, cultural, and social inequality in law and practice as the Journal of Black Studies. In this special issue edited in the 50th year of the journal we have initiated a series related to the evolution of human relations that considers where we have been and what we need to arrive at the place where we should be. In this issue we look at the presence of violence against African descended people, the mediations of people, laws, and processes intervening in the nature of our interactions in order to establish a more humane future. This issue should allow teachers, scholars and students to re-evaluate and re-examine their own set of assumptions, actions, and potentialities in regard to humanity.

The significance of Jesse Jackson's bid for the Democratic Party's presidential nomination is examined. Jackson's candidacy represents a new use of political revivalism, an old evangelical political praxis recast in the modalities of African-American Christian culture. This praxis is an aspect of US political culture that has often been overlooked because of past misunderstandings of US folk religion in general, & black Christianity in particular, as captives of an otherworldly & privatized spirituality. It is contended that black Christianity has an identifiable & coherent political style, with both passive & active moods. The dominant manifestations of these moods are, respectively, political cynicism & political revivalism, which are the consequence of the correct folk perception that it is impossible to reason with the purveyors of the absurdities of racial injustice. A critical assessment of black Christianity's political symbolic capital seems appropriate. HA

In line with policies of imperialism, Britons of the late Victorian era believed themselves to be superior culturally, economically and politically when compared with other groups of people. This led to a promotion of things British, including sport, in the new regions of the Empire. In South Africa, however, this imposition of culture alienated an Afrikaans population, who, despite their European origins, were now as much a part of South Africa as the other groups that inhabited this area. Based on research conducted in South African archives over the past decade, this article examines the early development of 'white' sport in South Africa and its link to the politics of the late nineteenth century. Although a significant amount of work has concentrated on 'race' relations between black, coloured and white participants in the history of South African sport, this investigation reveals how the progress of sports such as cricket, rugby and soccer was tied to an antagonistic relationship between the two dominant white factions - the Afrikaners and the British. As such, this article marks an original contribution to the field.

This meeting was organised jointly by the Government of Haute-Volta and by the Cultural Division of U.N.E.S.C.O., which had taken the initiative, as part of its preparation for a general History of Africa. In this context one must mention also the recent colloquia held at Niamey and at Timbuktu, the former concerned with oral, the second with written sources, ofAfrican history. This Ouagadougou meeting was essentially logistic in character; having established in principle that it is necessary to collect African oral traditions in order to fill out the outlines of history, the task was to list the problems of all kinds posed by the work of collection, and to consider possible solutions, especially in connection with both national and international research plans.