Co-editado por Yahya H. Zoubir -director de investigación en Geopolítica en la Kedge Business School de Marsella- y Gregory White -profesor de Relaciones Internacionales en el Smith College de Massachusetts, este trabajo tiene el objetivo de generar la atención del mundo académico anglo-americano por el Norte de África, tras décadas de priorizar los estudios sobre Oriente Medio y de entender a esta área sólo como parte de la esfera de influencia europea, especialmente de Francia. El volumen complementa y da continuidad a un trabajo previo de 2008 (North Africa: Politics, Religion and the Limits of transformation, editado por Y. Zoubir y Haizam Amirah).
Abstract | The challenge of interdisciplinary intellectual and strategic work in the extractive industries is particularly acute at the interface of research and social activism. Numerous social movements which are dedicated to sustainability fail to 'connect the dots' between their campaigns and broader political-economic and political-ecological visions. This is becoming a critical challenge in Africa, where the extreme damage done by mining and fossil fuels has generated impressive resistance.However, the one obvious place to link these critiques from African activists was the Alternative Mining Indaba in Cape Town in February 2015, and a survey of narratives at that event leads to pessimism about interdisciplinary politics. The potential for much greater impact and deeper critiques of unsustainable extractivism lies in greater attention to combining social reproduction and production (as do eco-feminists), and to tackling social, economic, political and ecological factors with a more explicit structuralist critique and practical toolkit. Areas such as energy, economics and climate are ripe for linkages. One reason for optimism is a climate justice declaration made by leading civil society activists in Maputo in April 2015.
The regime of Francisco Macías in Equatorial Guinea (1968-1979) has brought up controversies. Some consider it an example of leftist politics, others, a fall under fascism; for some it would be a clear reflection of Franco's regime, for others the fanciful product of a sick mind. Through the analysis of the rituals developed by Macias regime, an attempt to elucidate which of these elements contribute to its creation. ; El régimen de Francisco Macías en Guinea Ecuatorial (1968-1979) hadespertado controversias. Hay quien lo considera un ejemplo de políticas izquierdistas, otros lo enmarcan dentro del fascismo; para algunos sería un reflejo claro del régimen franquista, para otros la producción fantasiosa de una mente enferma. A través del análisis de los rituales desarrollados por el régimen macista, se trata de elucidar qué elementos contribuyeron a la creación de éste.
Review-essay of: TAYLOR, Ian, African politics: A very short Introduction, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2018, pp. 141. ÁLVAREZ COBELAS, Juan, África Saquead: La Occidentalización y sus trampas, Queimada Ediciones, Madrid, 2015, pp. 574. ; Review-essay de: TAYLOR, Ian, African politics: A very short Introduction, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2018, pp. 141. ÁLVAREZ COBELAS, Juan, África Saquead: La Occidentalización y sus trampas, Queimada Ediciones, Madrid, 2015, pp. 574.
Examines the regime of Laurent-Désiré Kabila in the new Democratic Republic of Congo (former Zaire) against the historical framework of the independence cycle started in the 1960s, and discusses the role of the Zaire insurgency in future African politics. Summary in English p. 233.
This essay will link African women's writing to culture, including literary culture and the politics of literature. It describes how African women's literature can act as a mirror, reflecting African cultures to Africans, and how it can serve as a window and a door, revealing African cultures to those outside of them in whole or in part. It ends with a description of "communal agency," an example of how scholarly writing can act as a door for both those who are and are not a part of a literature's culture. ; Este ensayo vincula las obras de autoras africanas con la cultura, tomando en cuenta la cultura literaria y las políticas de la literatura. Describe cómo la literatura de mujeres africanas puede actuar como espejo que refleja a los africanos la diversidad de su cultura, y cómo puede servir de ventana y puerta: qué desvelan las culturas africanas, parcial o totalmente, ante los que viven fuera de estas. Termina con una descripción de "agencia comunitaria", un ejemplo de cómo los textos académicos pueden funcionar como puerta tanto para los que forman parte de la cultura literaria como para los que no son parte de ella.
[ES] Este ensayo intenta demostrar que, aunque la dramaturga Gcina Mhlophe insiste en que sus obras no son políticas, mediante la presentación de su experiencia personal y legado de su herencia negra sudafricana (danza, oralidad, canciones), muestra la existencia de una cultura sudafricana en un momento histórico en el que el apartheid intentaba borrar cualquier vestigio de una cultura que no fuera la occidental. [EN] This essay tries to show that, although Gcina Mhlophe insists on her plays not being about politics, through the presentation of her personal experience and the legacy of her traditional Black South African heritage (dance, orality, songs), she asserts the existence of a Black South African culture at a time where apartheid was trying to erase any trace of any culture other than the one existing in the Western world.
Recesiones de: TAYLOR, Ian, African politics: A very short Introduction, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2018, pp. 141. ÁLVAREZ COBELAS, Juan, África Saquead: La Occidentalización y sus trampas, Queimada Ediciones, Madrid, 2015, pp. 574. ; Este trabajo forma parte de una investigación financiada por la Comunidad de Madrid en el marco de las Ayudas destinadas a la Atracción de Talento Investigador y del Proyecto Intercambios culturales y creación de identidades a través de fuentes literarias, siglos XIX y XX (MINECO HAR2016-76398-P).
Ten years ago when we celebrated the 70th anniversary of Enrique Dussel in a conference entitled Mapping the decolonial turn, I presented a work on the Cuban Congo Philosophy as an expression of the existentialism of Africanism and the politics of liberation. In this conference-homage to the 80th anniversary of the master, we tried to establish a political-epistemic dialogue between the thought and politics of Africanism and the philosophy of liberation. This implies both a Dussel reading in the key of Africania and a Dusselian interpretation of African and Afro-diasporic thought. To explore this dialogue in full, beyond the possibilities of this writing, so we will take four routes in that way: 1) we will give a rough look at how the African is located in the philosophy and policy of Dussel's liberation; 2) We will look at several important examples of how to globalize and interculturalize critical thinking in the Dusselian key from the Afro world; 3) we will approach the relationship between dialectic and analytic in Dussel, and then translate it as a movement of double criticism between what we call the Reason of Caliban and the Reason of Exu-Elegguá, and; 4) We will briefly examine liberation as a political-philosophical category in Dussel in dialogue with key figures in the thinking and politics of Africanism.
A partir del caso de don Fernando, infante de Bujía, rescatado de la documentación, se analiza el fenómeno de los príncipes y mandatarios magrebíes afectos a la política norteafricana de España en el siglo XVI. Éstos, en muchas ocasiones, se ven obligados por razones políticas a desplazarse y establecerse en España, donde serán mantenidos por las autoridades. ; Seeing the case of Don Fernando, infante of Bujía, from unpublished documentation, we analyze the phenomenon of maghrebi princes keen on the North African politics of Spain in the XVIth century. These, in many occasions, are forced for political reasons to move from the Maghrib and to be established in Spain, where they will be supported by the authorities.
La relación entre China y África subsahariana es una asociación estratégica perfectible con resultados importantes para las partes hasta la fecha. El impacto de la creciente y ambiciosa estrategia, económica y comercial del gigante asiático a partir de 1978, en por lo menos 48 de los 53 estados africanos, está sustentado en unos principios diplomáticos que vulneran las condicionalidades de la agenda internacional occidental y desafían constantemente las políticas del Norte con quien China mantiene una actitud zigzagueante debido a su dependencia con el resto del mundo. La cooperación china se presenta, actualmente, para el continente como una alternativa a la occidental. África, con importantes recursos naturales, es parte de la nueva estrategia china ; The relationship between China and Sub-Saharan Africa is a perfectible strategic association that, until now, has yielded important results for both parties. The impact of the Asian giant's growing and ambitious strategy, both on the economic as well as on the commercial fronts in at least 48 of the 53 African states, is steadily growing. This strategy is based on diplomatic principles that weaken the conditions of the Western international agenda and that constantly challenge the policies of the North, with whom China maintains a zigzagging attitude due to its dependence on the rest of the world. At the moment, the Chinese cooperation is presented to the African continent as an alternative to the Western efforts. Africa, with its important natural resources, is part of the new Chinese strategy
The relationship between China and Sub-Saharan Africa is a perfectible strategic association that, until now, has yielded important results for both parties. The impact of the Asian giant's growing and ambitious strategy, both on the economic as well as on the commercial fronts in at least 48 of the 53 African states, is steadily growing. This strategy is based on diplomatic principles that weaken the conditions of the Western international agenda and that constantly challenge the policies of the North, with whom China maintains a zigzagging attitude due to its dependence on the rest of the world. At the moment, the Chinese cooperation is presented to the African continent as an alternative to the Western efforts. Africa, with its important natural resources, is part of the new Chinese strategy. ; La relación entre China y África subsahariana es una asociación estratégica perfectible con resultados importantes para las partes hasta la fecha. El impacto de la creciente y ambiciosa estrategia, económica y comercial del gigante asiático a partir de 1978, en por lo menos 48 de los 53 estados africanos, está sustentado en unos principios diplomáticos que vulneran las condicionalidades de la agenda internacional occidental y desafían constantemente las políticas del Norte con quien China mantiene una actitud zigzagueante debido a su dependencia con el resto del mundo. La cooperación china se presenta, actualmente, para el continente como una alternativa a la occidental. África, con importantes recursos naturales, es parte de la nueva estrategia china.
A partir de una aproximación etnográfica, el presente artículo esboza algunas transformaciones que se dieron como consecuencia de la promulgación de la Constitución de 1991 entre las comunidades negras en Colombia, incidiendo en las formas de relación entre el Estado y la población afrodescendiente. Se da especial atención al caso de la comunidad de la vereda San Andrés en el municipio de Girardota, Antioquia, donde ocurrieron significativos cambios en los ámbitos organizativos y de participación, como consecuencia de la apropiación del discurso del multiculturalismo. Este estudio explora la dimensión política del arte y la cultura, evidente en la dinamización de las actividades artísticas de dicha comunidad gracias a las significativas transformaciones políticas locales, a partir de la incorporación de un discurso étnico que está fundamentalmente sustentado en expresiones propias del grupo en cuestión, tales como la música, la danza y el sainete. De esta forma, se busca contribuir a un conocimiento más amplio de lo político en ámbitos interétnicos, así como sobre el papel clave que desempeñan lo artístico y lo cultural en dichos escenarios. ; Based on an ethnographic approach, the present article outlines sometransformations derived from the promulgation of the 1991 Constitution amongblack communities in Colombia, changing the ways of the relationship betweenthe State and the afro-descendant population. This article focuzes on the case of thecommunity of the village of San Andrés in the municipality of Girardota, Antioquiathat experienced some important changes in its organization and citizen participation,as a consequence of the appropriation of the discourse of multiculturalism. Thisstudy explores the political dimension of art and culture that played an importantrole in the dynamization of the artistic activities of this community. This process isdue to the significant local political transformations, starting from the incorporationof an ethnic discourse that is fundamentally based on some expressions typical ofthe afro-descendant group, such as music, dance and sainete. In this way, the aim isto bring a broader understanding of politics in inter-ethnic areas, as well as the keyrole played by arts and culture in these scenarios.
Las relaciones entre China y África se han intensifi cado desde el 2000 conforme al esquema liberal de las reformas del país en 1978 y a pesar de la crisis de 2008. Evaluar tales relaciones como modelo de desarrollo y de proyección al exterior requiere estudiar su historia, la crítica sesgada de que han sido objeto y su desarrollo actual. El Estado chino ha protegido sectores estratégicos y promovido el esquema de benefi cio mutuo, eje de las relaciones sino-africanas. Desde el lado africano, el aprovechamiento de su relación con China depende de su propia voluntad política para construir un proyecto nacional. ; Th e relations between China and Africa have deepened since 2000, following the liberal schema of the 1978 reforms and despite the crisis of 2008. Assessing such relations as a model for development and international interaction requires an analysis of Chinese history, of the biased criticism directed at the Asian country, and the latter's current development. Th e Chinese State has protected strategic sectors and promoted a "win-win" strategy that is the core of Sino-African relations. From the perspective of African countries, taking advantage of the relationship with China depends on their political will to defi ne a national project. ; 45-59 ; int.personne@gmail.com ; semestral
Máster Universitario en Filosofía: Humanismo y Trascendencia ; Nuestro trabajo consta de tres capítulos fundamentales. Destaquemos que: El primer capítulo, como preámbulo de los capítulos II y III lo analizamos, apoyándonos en la filósofa Hannah Arendt y su estudio del sistema político totalitario: sus fundamentos y demás aspectos que lo conforma. En el segundo capítulo, analizamos con profundidad las políticas negro-africanas y el vacío de poder que subyace en todas ellas, como consecuencia de la ausencia de unas políticas de elaboración democrática, la continuidad de las políticas coloniales tras las independencias, la asimilación de meros conceptos posteriores como democracia, y sus derivados; y el miedo a perder el poder. Todo ello muestra la debilidad de las políticas negro-africanas. En el tercer capítulo, nuestro estudio se centra en la realidad concreta de la República Democrática del Congo, sus constantes fracasos políticos, la falta de cohesión social en gran medida, debido al tamaño del territorio y, por consiguiente, la incapacidad de sus gobernantes para mantener el control total del país, hacen de él un país vulnerable. ; The critical analysis of the theoretical principles and other traits that shape the totalitarian political system, backed by political philosopher Hannah Arendt's perspective which is dealt with in the first chapter, which also serves as an introduction to chapters II and III. The second chapter is concerned with the thorough scrutiny of black African politics and the underlying risk of power vacuum in all of them on account of the absence of truly inherent or pragmatically policies. Chapter two expands further into addressing how the evolution of colonialism into neo-colonialism upon the colonies' achievement of independence, the internalization of foreign concepts such as democracy and its derivatives and the unmissable tendency to toxic power attachment evidences the feebleness of black African politics. With the Democratic Republic of Congo as our case study, in chapter three we engage ourselves into its cyclic absence of political stability and cohesive social structure at a very large scale due to the vastness of the land, factors that heavily influence the total helplessness of the local government to effectively manage the nation, hence resulting in its heightened vulnerability.
