Suchergebnisse

The ASEAN summit of October 2021 showed the increased geopolitical importance of the Indo-Pacific realm. Today ASEAN is the most successful regional organization in Asia and the second largest worldwide behind the EU. The establishment of the New Asian-African Strategic Partnership (NAASP) more than 15 years before (2005) aimed to revive the Bandung spirit of the non-aligned movement of 1955. This time with a stronger focus on economic ties. In 2013 these countries counted around 620 million inhabitants or 8.8% of the world population. They wanted to fight colonialism and neocolonialism by promoting Afro-Asiatic economic and cultural cooperation. Almost all member countries gained sovereignty and political independence by the 1960s and 1970s, with the exception of Palestine. However, the aftermath of the Bandung conference also promoted negative developments, including the polarization of Asian countries, the strengthening of political authoritarianism and regional interventions. In addition, most countries continued to grapple with economic and political challenges, including poverty, debt burdens, backwardness, ignorance, disease and environmental degradation. Their access to the markets of the industrialized countries also remained limited. At the global level, the NAASP received little attention so far. Despite the longstanding rhetoric of Asia-Africa solidarity, Asia and Africa still lack formal institutional and trade links. Although interregional trade increased, Africa remained a small part of ASEAN with only around 2% of its total market. The most important trading countries of ASEAN with Africa were Thailand, Indonesia and Singapore, while South Africa, Nigeria and Egypt were the largest African import markets.

Power, violence and accumulation.
In discussing the relationship between power, violence and accumulation in contemporary Africa, one must keep one's distance from pseudo-scientific analysis, clichés and phantasms which see only the pathological aspects of African politics. The use of force not only is the necessary condition for domination, but also the way to obtain labour and an essential element in the struggle for the monopoly of accumulation.

Although he has been at the hub of the emergence of a new mode of governance in Nigeria over the past two decades, scholarly analysis of the career of Chief Lamidi Ariyibi Adedibu remains surprisingly scanty. In correcting this oversight in the literature, this paper uses the personal & political trajectories of Chief Adedibu as a point of departure for a broader contemporary sociology of Nigerian politics. In emplacing Adedibu within a nuanced context of ' local' & 'national' politics, it addresses key analytic dilemmas with obvious continental resonances: the emergence & continued success of 'Big Men' in Nigerian (African) politics; the social, cultural & (para-) legal conditions that facilitate their tenacity & longevity; & what their survival suggests about the futures of political neopatrimonialism in African societies. Adapted from the source document.

Although he has been at the hub of the emergence of a new mode of governance in Nigeria over the past two decades, scholarly analysis of the career of Chief Lamidi Ariyibi Adedibu remains surprisingly scanty. In correcting this oversight in the literature, this paper uses the personal and political trajectories of Chief Adedibu as a point of departure for a broader contemporary sociology of Nigerian politics. In emplacing Adedibu within a nuanced context of « local » and « national » politics, it addresses key analytic dilemmas with obvious continental resonances : the emergence and continued success of « Big Men » in Nigerian (African) politics ; the social, cultural and (para-) legal conditions that facilitate their tenacity and longevity ; and what their survival suggests about the futures of political neopatrimonialism in African societies. (Pol afr/GIGA)

La discrimination à l'encontre des quelque 500 000 immigrés africains (pour la plupart irréguliers) s'est récemment répandue en Chine. Pendant la pandémie de corona, cela dégénère en une véritable afrophobie. Peu de temps auparavant, cinq Nigérians de Guangzhou auraient été testés positifs pour Covid-19. Les Africains sont largement accusés d'être des trafiquants de drogue et des criminels. En outre, ils mettraient en danger la compétitivité mondiale de la Chine pour les ressources de l'Afrique par le biais du dénigrement médiatiques à l'étranger. Les rapports actuels témoignent du déplacement des migrants africains des maisons et des hôtels de Guangzhou (Canton), où vivent la plupart des Africains. Ils dépendent de réseaux informels, pour la plupart illégaux, pour pouvoir rester dans le pays. Dans les réseaux sociaux en ligne, l'afrophobie et le cyber-racisme sont particulièrement prononcés. Ainsi, le racisme est plus profondément enraciné dans la mentalité de nombreux Chinois qu'on ne le pense généralement. Selon un proverbe chinois traditionnel, le plus grand mal à éviter est "la nation détruite et la race anéantie". En outre, depuis 2005, l'accaparement des terres par des entrepreneurs chinois en Afrique subsaharienne a attiré l'attention de la communauté internationale. Son objectif principal est d'assurer la sécurité alimentaire en Chine et de profiter de la spéculation céréalière internationale. Il a été légitimé racialement dès le départ, avec des slogans tels que, seuls les investissements chinois pouvaient sauver les Africains de leur "paresse" traditionnelle.

The adaptation of pol'al sci to the existing African pol'al situation is not easy since that situation is extremely complex. It is best to analyze this situation in depth & to view it in 3 diff forms: (1) under its traditional aspect which appears in a singular diversification of forms (societies whose pol'al aspects are joined to kinship groupings, those whose clan systems & lineages are the framework for pol'al life, those where other systems are the basis of pol'al action, & finally, those which exist as pol'al entities); (2) under its colonial aspect with its own peculiarities (the change in pol'al structure, the joining together of 2 admin'tions, the destruction of the traditional authorities, econ & cultural intervention); & (3) under its post-colonial aspect with its problems (the difficulties of integrating the pre-colonial past with the colonial past, the difficulty of adapting to modern pol'al & admin'tive life). In making use of ethnological & sociol'al studies, pol'al sci can effectively study 2 aspects of present day African politics: the pol'al parties & the pol'al doctrines or ideoloeies. Tr from IPSA by J. A. Broussard.