Foreign investment, black economic empowerment and militarised patronage politics in Zimbabwe
In: Journal of contemporary African studies, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 67-82
ISSN: 0258-9001
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In: Journal of contemporary African studies, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 67-82
ISSN: 0258-9001
In: Journal of contemporary African studies, Band 33, Heft 4, S. 467-493
ISSN: 1469-9397
World Affairs Online
In: The journal of modern African studies: a quarterly survey of politics, economics & related topics in contemporary Africa, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 261-262
ISSN: 1469-7777
This year's annual seminar of the Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, organised by Professor Carl Gösta Widstrand, the director of the Institute, was devoted to boundary problems. It was an interisciplinary gathering, attended by some 30 scholars, from 12 countries. The daily proceedings were divided into two: in the mornings, the papers were delivered as public lectures at the University, and in the afternoons, the seminar met for discussion.
ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: The international discussion of Trump's dispute over import tariffs for steel, aluminum and even cars is so far focused on the big global players. However, African countries suffer in particular from the planned punitive tariffs, similar to the famous African proverb: 'When elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers'. After years of talk on partnership for economic development (AGOA, Cotonou Agreement, EPAs, etc.) Trump's tariffs mean a severe blow to participatory foreign trade and sustainable industrialization in Africa. Egypt and South Africa for example, the potentially most affected African countries, face massive job losses and earning opportunities, with all the consequences that this entails for their already fragile economy and the population in dire poverty. Trump's intervention thus joins the continued power politics of former colonial powers vis à vis Africa. Nevertheless, despite these asymmetric power relations, unfair trade relations and the desolate state of African infant industries are not necessarily due to externalities. More often than not they are home-made. African agency plays an ambiguous role in enhancing participatory trade and indigenous industrialization. --- RÉSUMÉ: [L'impact des tarifs de Trump sur l'Afrique et le rôle ambigu de l'Agence africaine] La discussion internationale sur le différend de Trump au sujet des tarifs d'importation pour l'acier, l'aluminium, et même les voitures est jusqu'ici concentrée sur les grands acteurs mondiaux. Cependant, les pays africains souffrent aussi des tarifs punitifs prévus, semblables au fameux proverbe africain, 'Quand les éléphants se battent, c'est l'herbe qui souffre'. Après des années de discussions sur le partenariat pour le développement économique (AGOA, Accord de Cotonou, APE, etc.), les tarifs de Trump signifient un coup dur pour le commerce extérieur participatif et l'industrialisation durable en Afrique. L'Egypte et l'Afrique du Sud par exemple, les pays africains potentiellement les ...
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In: The journal of modern African studies: a quarterly survey of politics, economics & related topics in contemporary Africa, Band 32, Heft 3, S. 411-427
ISSN: 1469-7777
Withthe demise of the Soviet Union and the fall of many authoritarian régimes, some observers suggest that we are in the midst of what can be called a worldwide democratic revolution. Although questions remain as to the durability of these changes, particularly in Africa, it is clear that we are at a cross-roads. Nations are considering what kinds of political institutions they want to replace those they are trying to dismantle. What, at this historical moment, is the special appeal of democracy in the non-Western world? Is it the promise of individual freedom? or popular elections designed to give all citizens a say in who governs? or the prospect of guaranteed individual and group rights?
In: The journal of modern African studies: a quarterly survey of politics, economics & related topics in contemporary Africa, Band 32, Heft 3, S. 411-427
ISSN: 0022-278X
World Affairs Online
In: The journal of modern African studies: a quarterly survey of politics, economics & related topics in contemporary Africa, Band 22, Heft 4, S. 633-666
ISSN: 0022-278X
Strukturanalyse der zahlreichen Staatsstreiche in Schwarzafrika seit den 50er Jahren. Unabhängig von der Regierungsform bilden gewaltsame Umstürze die häufigste Form von Regierungswechseln. Entscheidende Rolle des Militärs. Hintergrundanalyse im zwischenstaatlichen und zeitlichen Vergleich unter Berücksichtigung kolonialer, regionaler und wirtschaftlicher Einflüsse (z.B. die gescheiterte Industrialisierungspolitik). Im Anhang: Chronologischer Überblick über 56 erfolgreiche Staatsstreiche von 1958-1984. (DÜI-Hlb)
World Affairs Online
The search for an adequate methodological approach to the study of African Religions in their multiformity has been a fervent one. In this paper, approaches to the study of African Religions today are proposed. These are polymethodic and multidimentional approaches, the contextual study of African Religions, the historical approaches (demonstrated in the art of masquerading), the need to balance synchronic and diachronic approaches, the use of art and iconography in the study and female studies. The fifth focuses on studying African Religions as insider. The author also examines the problems of the "insider" and the politics of doing research in history of religions in a Nigerian university.The conclusion strongly recommends a multidisciplinary approach for studying African Religions.
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In: Justice, power, and politics
"Early on a summer morning in 1974, local officials found the jailer Clarence Alligood stabbed to death in a cell in the women's section of a rural North Carolina jail. Fleeing the scene was Joan Little, twenty years old, poor, Black, and in trouble. Little claimed that she had killed Alligood in self-defense against sexual assault. After a five-week trial, Little was acquitted. But the case stirred debate about a woman's right to use deadly force to resist sexual violence. Through the prism of Little's rape-murder trial and the Free Joan Little campaign, Christina Greene explores the intersecting histories of African American women, mass incarceration, sexual violence, and 1970s and 1980s social movements"--
In: African arguments
World Affairs Online
Intro -- Contents -- Contributors -- Introduction / Edward Telles, Gaspar Rivera-Salgado,Mark Q. Sawyer, and Sylvia Zamora -- Part I. Labor Markets -- 1. Immigration and Labor Market Dynamics / Frank D. Bean, James D. Bachmeier, Susan K.Brown, and Rosaura Tafoya-Estrada -- Part II. Politics -- 2. Commonalities, Competition, and Linked Fate / Michael Jones-Correa -- 3. Perceptions of Competition / Jason L. Morin, Gabriel R. Sanchez, and Matt A. Barreto -- 4. Elite Messages and Perceptions of Commonality / Kevin Wallsten and Tatishe M. Nteta -- Part III. Urban Profiles -- 5. Intergroup Perceptions and Relations in Houston / Nestor Rodriguez and Tatcho Mindiola Jr. -- 6. Politics in Los Angeles / Mark Q. Sawyer -- Part IV. New Relations in New Destinations -- 7. Intergroup Relations in Three Southern Cities / Paula D. McClain, Gerald F. Lackey, Efrén O. Pérez, Niambi M. Carter, Jessica Johnson Carew, Eugene Walton Jr., Candis Watts Smith, Monique L. Lyle, and Shayla C. Nunnally -- 8. Black Attitudes and Hispanic Immigrants in South Carolina / Monica McDermott -- Part V. Coalition Building -- Chapter 9. Black, Brown, Young, and Together / Regina M. Freer and Claudia Sandoval Lopez -- 10. Framing Commonality in a Multiracial, Multiethnic Coalition / Sylvia Zamora -- Part VI. Interaction in Street Culture -- 11. Ethnic Succession and Ethnic Conflict / James Diego Vigil -- 12. Conflict, Cooperation, and Avoidance / Cid Martinez and Victor M. Rios -- Index.
By treating spatial conflict as one way communities wrestle with the memory and legacy of slavery, this article unites critical landscape analysis, a tool of legal geography, with legal and cultural analysis and recent scholarship on African American reparations. A slave cemetery lay beneath a parking lot in Shockoe Bottom, a neighborhood of downtown Richmond that was once a major slave-trading hub. In recent years, controversy arose over the site's use, generating racially charged local debate and two failed lawsuits seeking to preserve the site. This article examines the significance of the African Burial Ground controversy by analyzing its symbolic, discursive, spatial, and legal dimensions. Although the law ostensibly protects ancestral graves from desecration, it demands that a plaintiff demonstrate biological descent from the interred in order to make a claim; as this case demonstrates, standing is denied to those whose family histories were obliterated by slavery. I argue that the plaintiff's lack of standing before the law, which is rooted in slavery, cannot be separated from other, social and political forms of illegitimacy historically inscribed upon African Americans. Here, claims of desecration were relegated to the political arena, where redress was possible but subject to the vagaries of local, state, and national racial politics. Community activists, unable to protect the Burial Ground through the force of the law, instead mobilized the spectacle of the law, and achieved a surprising out-of-court resolution to the conflict.
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In: Law, culture & the humanities, Band 13, Heft 1, S. 81-103
ISSN: 1743-9752
By treating spatial conflict as one way communities wrestle with the memory and legacy of slavery, this article unites critical landscape analysis, a tool of legal geography, with legal and cultural analysis and recent scholarship on African American reparations. A slave cemetery lay beneath a parking lot in Shockoe Bottom, a neighborhood of downtown Richmond that was once a major slave-trading hub. In recent years, controversy arose over the site's use, generating racially charged local debate and two failed lawsuits seeking to preserve the site. This article examines the significance of the African Burial Ground controversy by analyzing its symbolic, discursive, spatial, and legal dimensions. Although the law ostensibly protects ancestral graves from desecration, it demands that a plaintiff demonstrate biological descent from the interred in order to make a claim; as this case demonstrates, standing is denied to those whose family histories were obliterated by slavery. I argue that the plaintiff's lack of standing before the law, which is rooted in slavery, cannot be separated from other, social and political forms of illegitimacy historically inscribed upon African Americans. Here, claims of desecration were relegated to the political arena, where redress was possible but subject to the vagaries of local, state, and national racial politics. Community activists, unable to protect the Burial Ground through the force of the law, instead mobilized the spectacle of the law, and achieved a surprising out-of-court resolution to the conflict.
In: The journal of modern African studies: a quarterly survey of politics, economics & related topics in contemporary Africa, Band 1, Heft 4, S. 541-542
ISSN: 1469-7777
The University of Nigeria, founded on the initiative of Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, President of the Republic, is now three years old, and has inaugurated a new College of African Studies, at the beginning of the academic year, 1963–4. The University has already declared that 'Foreign educational systems provide a reservoir of ideas and experience, yet final answers will be found only by adapting these ideas to the new setting of our time and country.'
In: Journal of Gender, Race and Justice, Vol. 16, p. 825, 2013
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