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Throughout West African societies, at times of social crises, postmenopausal women â€" the Mothers â€" make a ritual appeal to their innate moral authority. The seat of this power is the female genitalia. Wielding branches or pestles, they strip naked and slap their genitals and bare breasts to curse and expel the forces of evil. In An Intimate Rebuke Laura S. Grillo draws on fieldwork in Côte d'Ivoire that spans three decades to illustrate how these rituals of Female Genital Power (FGP) constitute religious and political responses to abuses of power. When deployed in secret FGP operates as spiritual warfare against witchcraft; in public it serves as a political activism. During Côte d'Ivoire's civil wars FGP challenged the immoral forces of both rebels and the state. Grillo shows how the ritual potency of the Mothers' nudity and the conjuration of their sex embodies a moral power that has been foundational to West African civilization

Throughout West African societies, at times of social crises, postmenopausal women — the Mothers — make a ritual appeal to their innate moral authority. The seat of this power is the female genitalia. Wielding branches or pestles, they strip naked and slap their genitals and bare breasts to curse and expel the forces of evil. In An Intimate Rebuke Laura S. Grillo draws on fieldwork in Côte d'Ivoire that spans three decades to illustrate how these rituals of Female Genital Power (FGP) constitute religious and political responses to abuses of power. When deployed in secret FGP operates as spiritual warfare against witchcraft; in public it serves as a political activism. During Côte d'Ivoire's civil wars FGP challenged the immoral forces of both rebels and the state. Grillo shows how the ritual potency of the Mothers' nudity and the conjuration of their sex embodies a moral power that has been foundational to West African civilization.

In some African countries, democratic openings have intensified ethnic competition and led to protracted transitions or outright conflict. In Kenya, I argue, the stalled transition reflects the effects ofrepublicancitizenship in ethnic political communities andliberalcitizenship in the national political community. This duality in citizenship engenders conflict over democracy—conceived as liberal majoritarian democracy—and results in ethnic coalitions disagreeing over which institutions are appropriate for a multiethnic state. I provide evidence from discourses over institutions from two transition periods in Kenya: at independence and in the recent shift from one-party rule. This study makes two contributions. First, it adds to current citizenship theory, which is largely derived from Western experience, by demonstrating that republican and liberal citizenships are not necessarily compatible and that the modern nation-state is not the only relevant community for forming citizens. Second, it adds to studies of African transitions by highlighting citizenship issues in institutional design with regard to ethnicity in Kenya.

Originally published in 1965. The Right to Vote covers the immediate background, passage, and ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment. Gillette contends that the Fifteenth Amendment was intended to give voting rights to African Americans in the north, sidelining those in the south. African American suffrage, in other words, had the pragmatic effect of bringing power to the Republicans of the north. In short, the Fifteenth Amendment was not a radical document but rather was pushed by Republican moderates in an effort to consolidate their power.

In the post-World War II period, South African capitalism is considered by many to have been reproduced on the basis of 'cheap' African labour-power. This is generally understood to mean that the prosperity of capitalism in the Republic depended on the poverty of the African majority. On the one hand, between 1950 and 1979, gross domestic product grew (in constant 1970 prices) from R4·4 billion to R15·5 billion. On the other hand, Africans on average earned wages that were below subsistence levels as defined by such minimal indices as the poverty datum line, and that were only 5 to 25 per cent as large as those earned on average by whites – see Tables 1 and 2. As generally analysed, both overall growth and the absolute and relative poverty of Africans were the direct result of the apartheid policies of the régime, in particular those responsible for the so-called cheap labour system.

The 1996 South African Constitution was promulgated on 18th December 1996 and came into effect on 4th February 1997. Its aspirational provisions promised to transform South Africa's economy and society along non-racial and egalitarian lines. Following the twentieth anniversary of its enactment, this book, co-edited by Rosalind Dixon and Theunis Roux, examines the triumphs and disappointments of the Constitution. It explains the arguments in favor of the Constitution being replaced with a more authentically African document, untainted by the necessity to compromise with ruling interests predominant at the end of apartheid. Others believe it remains a landmark attempt to create a society based on social, economic, and political rights for all citizens, and that its true implementation has yet to be achieved. This volume considers whether the problems South Africa now faces are of constitutional design or implementation, and analyses the Constitution's external influence on constitutionalism in other parts of the world

Muslims in Kenyan Politics explores the changing relationship between Muslims and the state in Kenya from precolonial times to the present, culminating in the radicalization of a section of the Muslim population in recent decades. The politicization of Islam in Kenya is deeply connected with the sense of marginalization that shapes Muslims? understanding of Kenyan politics and government policies. Kenya?s Muslim population comprises ethnic Arabs, Indians, and black Africans, and its status has varied historically. Under British rule, an imposed racial hierarchy affected Muslims particularly, thwarting the development of a united political voice. Drawing on a broad range of interviews and historical research, Ndzovu presents a nuanced picture of political associations during the postcolonial period and explores the role of Kenyan Muslims as political actors

This paper analyses how tropes of racism against people of African descent manifest in public texts (permanent education sites) of different genres and forms. The selected permanent education sites include the mediatisation of the public and private lives of the British royal family's Prince Harry and Meghan's break away from royal duties, the FIFA World Cup and the English Premier League, the Chinese Museum in Hubei, and other public incidences that provoked racial controversies. These activities, controversies and exhibitions are vehicles through which racism is reproduced as part of the historical global capitalist system. This is the ubiquitous public pedagogy of permanent education. The porous but multifarious dominant sitesdiffuse diverse forms of pedagogical address to put into play a limited range of identities, ideologies, and subject positions that both reinforce neoliberal social relations and undermine the capacity for democratic politics. Critical scholarship has a normative duty to be mindful of all cultural activities and productions, their processes of signification, and implications for humanization and democracy. After conveniently selecting specific mass mediated permanent education sites, this paper theorises and historicises the colonial foundations of racism and the European construction of an imagined racial hierarchy. It then problematises China as an emergent global economic powerhouse located in this gradation, and its contemporary self- identities – both official and public – given notable allegations of incidences of Chinese racism against people of African descent. Popular sites of mediation are not studied for their own sake, but to develop a radical pan-African scholarship strategically positioned to influence public education sites for social transformation and justice. Such vigilant critical decolonial scholarship makes necessary com onse to insidious sites ocultural education.

Examines attitudes of Blacks towards Hispanics and Asian-Americans and towards coalition as a political strategy; Los Angeles, California.

Settlers is a testament to Jimi Famurewa's love not just for his lineage, but for the culture. An incisive, intimate and profound work.- Candice Carty-Williams, author of Queenie and People PersonAs thrilling as it is touching and revealing - this book is an indispensable map to London today.- Ben Judah, Journalist and author of This is London: Life and Death in the World CityJimi brings modern black London alive like no other author. This feels like an important book that is also a total pleasure to read. - Sathnam Sanghera, author of Empireland: How Modern Britain is Shaped by its Imperial PastThe past, present and future of being Black, African and British in the capital.This is a story that begins with post-1960s arrivals from Nigeria, Ghana, Zimbabwe and Somalia. Today their descendants have unleashed a tidal wave of British creativity from Lambeth to Lagos, Islington to the Ivory Coast. Jimi Famurewa writes with humour, style and sensitivity about the extraordinary world of Black African London. He also uncovers a history of racial discrimination, examines the legacy of transracial private fostering, and reveals the friction between family customs and the stresses of modern life. Part memoir, part history, part journalism, this is an essential, hopeful, vivid portrait of modern Britain.---What makes a Londoner? What is it to be Black, African and British? And how can we understand the many tangled roots of our modern nation without knowing the story of how it came to be?Daniel Kaluuya and Skepta; John Boyega and Little Simz; Edward Enninful and Bukayo Saka - everywhere you look, across the fields of sport, business, fashion, the arts and beyond, there are the descendants of Black African families that were governed by many of the same immutable, shared traditions. In this book Jimi Famurewa, a British-Nigerian journalist, journeys into the hidden yet vibrant world of African London. Seeking to understand the ties that bind Black African Londoners together and link them with their home countries, he visits their places of worship, roams around markets and restaurants, attends a traditional Nigerian engagement ceremony, shadows them on their morning journeys to far-flung grammar schools and listens to stories from shopkeepers and activists, artists and politicians. But this isn t just the story of energetic, ambitious Londoners. Jimi also uncovers a darker side, of racial discrimination between White and Black communities and, between Black Africans and Afro-Caribbeans. He investigates the troublesome practice of farming in which young Black Nigerians were sent to live with White British foster parents, examines historic interaction with the police, and reveals the friction between traditional Black African customs and the stresses of modern life in diaspora. This is a vivid new portrait of London, and of modern Britain

In 2001, the rape of baby Tshepang triggered a media frenzy in the small community of Louisvale, located in the Northern Cape. An overarching theme of shame dominated how journalists represented the event. The label "A Town of Shame" stuck onto Louisvale through the mobilization of colonial and gender discourse. Quickly the town was known for its "barbarism" and "savage" existence; a town with no future and a disgrace to the country. Essentialist thinking about woman was used to condemn and blame the mother of baby Tshepang, concretizing the myth that rape is always the fault of women.

Tunisia's crackdown on African migrants has become a bargaining tool with Europe, leading to an agreement that allows Europe to control immigration in return for helping with Tunisia's economic crisis.

AbstractThis article examines the complex and contested praxis of "doing politics," both publicly and privately, among female politicians in Senegal. It explores women's political practices comprising myriad gendered performances of femininity, generosity, and hospitality—elements of what I deem the terànga (hospitality) ethos. This article contributes to the existing literature focusing on hospitality and exchange in conversation with theories of gender and political action from an African perspective. Through a contrastive lens, I explore how women in politics not only engage in the practice of terànga as an obligation and performance of gendered norms for doing politics but also as a means of subverting existing limitations for political and personal opportunity.

The term "community organizer" was deployed repeatedly against Barack Obama during the 2008 presidential campaign as a way to paint him as an inexperienced politician unfit for the presidency. The implication was that the job of a community organizer wasn't a serious one, and that it certainly wasn't on the list of credentials needed for a presidential résumé. In reality, community organizers have played key roles in the political lives of American cities for decades, perhaps never more so than during the 1970s in Chicago, where African Americans laid the groundwork for further empowerment as