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Michael Bratton og Nicolas van de Walle, Experiments in Africa: Regime Transitions in Comparative Perspective, Cambridge University 1997, 307 s.; Patrick Chabal og Jean-Pascal Daloz, Africa Works: Disorder as Political Instrument, Oxford: The Institutional African Institute association with James Curry and Indiana University Press, 1999, 170 s.; Christopher Clapham, Africa in the International The Politics of State Survival, Cambridge: Cambridge University 1996, 340 s.; Aili Mari Tripp, Changing the Rules: The Politics of Liberalization and the Urban Informal in Tanzania, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997, 2605.

Hintergrunddiskussion zur politischen Konditionierung der Entwicklungshilfe. Nach der Interessenanalyse der Beteiligten (Geber, afrikanische Regierungen, Oppositionelle), erläutert der Autor die entscheidende Rolle der Strukturanpassungsprogramme der Weltbank und des IWF: Durch die ökonomische Konditionalität der Kredite erodierte die Machtbasis der afrikanischen Eliten, was eine Voraussetzung für die zahlreichen Demokratisierungsschübe war. Der Autor warnt vor der Gleichsetzung von Demokratie mit Mehrparteiensystem und dessen Mißbrauch als Meßlatte für Konditionierung. Die nur teilweise Realisierung existierender völkerrechtlicher Vereinbarungen (wie der African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights) wäre ein großer Schritt in Richtung pluralistische Gesellschaft. (DÜI-Sth)

This book explores the wide-ranging interventions of the World Bank in severely indebted African states.

THE ELECTION WAS HELD IN THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF RADICAL CHANGES IN SOUTHERN AFRICA AND OF SCHISM IN THE PARLIAMENTARY OPPOSITION. THE MAIN OPPOSITION UNITED PARTY SPLIT INTO TWO FACTIONS, AND THE SMALL PROGRESSIVE PARTY ASSERTED ITS CLAIM TO BE THE MAIN OPPOSITION. IT BELIEVED THAT THE POLARIZATION BETWEEN LIBERAL AND REACTIONARY GROUPS WOULD OPEN THE WAY TO REFORM.

Developments within Sudan are complex enough, but in recent years they have been further complicated by the impact of upheavals, not of its own making, in various parts of the Horn of Africa, next door. The most tangible effect is the hundreds of thousands of refugees that have to be maintained in the Sudan. But there has also been a political dilemma for the present regime. It is drawn, like its reactionary Arab allies, to support movements that oppose a proclaimedly socialist and Soviet‐backed regime like Ethiopia's, and it does promote the more conservative groups, for it is uneasy about the radical, anti‐imperialist stance of the more dominant national liberation groups.
The wider conflicts in Eritrea, in the provinces of Ethiopia and between Somalia and Ethiopia also pose a dilemma for the left in Sudan. It tries to tread a difficult, diplomatic path between criticism of the Numeiri regime's automatic anti‐Soviet anti‐socialist stance whilst keeping its distant but open lines of communication with the more progressive movements in the Horn. Our final Briefing does raise one such issue on which many of our Sudanese collaborators maintain a diplomatic silence, one of a set of issues that nevertheless is part of the context of Sudanese politics. The Reviewhas concentrated its attention within the Horn on Eritrea, but has also hosted some on‐going debate on the national question in that region. But this is the first contribution to that discussion which focuses on Tigray, an area which famine has brought very much into the headlines as we go to press. We hope this overview of present conditions and review of the position of the Tigray People's Liberation Front, by a recent visitor to areas the TPLF controls, will both inform but also stimulate further contributions to the debate.

Algeria has a form of 'state capitalism' and thus the role of the bureaucracy is crucial. The approach here to this question rejects as simplistic the two polar views: on the one hand, the belief that Algeria is undergoing some kind of transition to socialism and though there may be a 'problem of bureaucracy', this is treated outside the class structure; on the other, the notion that if there is state capitalism then the bureaucracy is a ruling class, which ignores the fact of social as opposed to private accumulation.
Analysing it as a bureaucracy and in its context of the working of the Algerian state, reveals that the relationships between it and a bourgeois class with a seprate existence are mediated through and by other features that affect the 'rationality' of the Algerian bureaucracy. Religion plays an important role, but not one that dictates the pattern of politics as in some Islamic or Catholic countries, but as an ideological and legitimating link with the people. The pursuance of personal benefits and traditional obligations through the bureaucratic system limits its effectiveness in pursuing policy goals, however. Patronage in turn feeds into a pattern of factions that rend the bourgeoisie, thus limiting its emergence as a national class, and also the bureaucracy, thus further impairing its efficacy.
This situation may now undergo change as the state tries to respond to demands from below for a second stage of industrialisation going beyond the initial accumulation in heavy industry. But consumer goods production could be met by the expansion of either privatecapital or statecapital. The first would require a shift to economic liberalisation. The second strategy implies greater effectiveness of the bureaucracy and its greater political direction. A political struggle over these two lines is discernible but has not lead to a complete polarisation of the party.

Homage to Gordon K. Lewis (1919-1991), Gordon K. Lewis (1919-1991) was a leading expert on the Caribbean. Lewis published many important books and articles on the Caribbean including Puerto Rico: freedom and power in the Caribbean (1962), The growth of the modern West Indies (1968), Main currents in Caribbean thought (1983) and Grenada: the jewel despoiled (1987), among others. "From his arrival in Puerto Rico in the 1950s, until his death in the early 1990s, Lewis, through his numerous publications, established himself as a Caribbean thinker. The breadth of Lewis's scholarship is revealed in these ten chapters covering his work on the Caribbean. From concepts of sovereignty and regional integration, to the nature of democracy in the contemporary Caribbean, the influence of African thought and the African Diaspora on the development of a Caribbean intellectual tradition, the influence of theology and the pursuit of a democratic socialism for the Caribbean, G.K. Lewis's work is analysed, admired and critiqued by the contributors

In this provocative study, Robert Harrison provides new insight into grassroots reconstruction after the Civil War and into the lives of those most deeply affected, the newly emancipated African Americans. Harrison argues that the District of Columbia, far from being marginal to the Reconstruction story, was central to Republican efforts to reshape civil and political relations, with the capital a testing ground for Congressional policy makers. The study describes the ways in which federal agencies such as the Army and the Freedmen's Bureau attempted to assist Washington's freed population and shows how officials struggled to address the social problems resulting from large-scale African-American migration. It also sheds new light on the political processes that led to the abandonment of Reconstruction and the onset of black disfranchisement

Are the military coups that have shaken Africa recently simply a working-out of personal animosities, are they due to chance, or are they the result of something inherent in the very nature of present-day African political systems? It is to questions such as these that this article is addressed, and to which it seeks to provide tentative answers. Further, if, as will be argued here, the African coups result from something inherently systemic, what conclusions can be drawn at present about Africa's future political development?

This book tells the sweeping story of the role that East African savannas played in human evolution, how people, livestock, and wildlife interact in the region today, and how these relationships might shift as the climate warms, the world globalizes, and human populations grow.Our ancient human ancestors were nurtured by African savannas, which today support pastoral peoples and the last remnants of great Pleistocene herds of large mammals. Why has this wildlife thrived best where they live side-by-side with humans? Ecologist Robin S. Reid delves into the evidence to find that herding is often compatible with wildlife, and that pastoral land use sometimes enriches savanna landscapes and encourages biodiversity. Her balanced, scientific, and accessible examination of the current state of the relationships among the region's wildlife and people holds critical lessons for the future of conservation around the world

AbstractWe examine the historical effects of ethnic and racial diversification among legislators on identity group mobilization and the hiring of nonwhite lobbyists. We propose that diversification among legislators encouraged identity groups to lobby, that these groups hired lobbyists who reflected their members' identities, and that all interests also hired lobbyists who reflected the identities of new legislative targets. We apply a Bayesian estimation approach to infer the identities of lobbyists who were active in the American states over several decades. We find that the election of African Americans to state legislatures encouraged black identity groups to lobby, that all identity groups, including those representing Hispanics or Latinos, generally hired lobbyists who reflected their members' identities, and that the election of Asian Americans to state legislatures encouraged interests generally to hire Asian-American lobbyists. Hispanic or Latino lobbyists gained clients in response to diversification in more Democratic legislatures.

AbstractThis paper examines the ways that social movement organizations affiliated with the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement use Twitter through three content analysis studies. The main finding presented in the paper is that the modal tweet generated between December 1, 2015 and October 31, 2016 was an emotional response—an expression of sadness, outrage, or despair—to police brutality and the killings of African Americans. The second key finding is that BLM organizations generated more tweets that framed the movement as a struggle for individual rights than ones that utilized frames about gender, racial, and LGBTQ identities. Finally, the paper shows that BLM activists urge their followers to pursue disruptive repertoires of contention less frequently than they encourage other political behaviors. These findings suggest that the BLM movement is intelligible through both the resource mobilization and new social movement paradigms within social movement studies.

AbstractWhile a number of studies demonstrate that black candidates have the ability to increase black political participation, a growing literature is investigatingwhydescriptive representation matters. This paper contributes to this discussion by exploring whether perceptions of candidate traits play a mediating role between the presence of an African American candidate on the ballot and increases in black political activity. I test this trait hypothesis using data from the 1992–2012 American National Election Study, a survey experiment, and statistical mediation analysis. The results indicate that perceptions of black candidates as being better leaders, more empathetic, knowledgeable, intelligent, honest, and moral explain a substantial amount of why descriptive representation increases black political participation across a range of different political activities. In the conclusion, I discuss the importance of the psychological link between blacks and their co-racial representatives in inspiring higher levels of political participation.

The contemporary human rights movement holds up Nuremberg as a template with which to define responsibility for mass violence. I argue that the negotiations that ended apartheid—the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA)—provide the raw material for a critique of the "lessons of Nuremberg." Whereas Nuremberg shaped a notion of justice as criminal justice, CODESA calls on us to think of justice as primarily political. CODESA shed the zero-sum logic of criminal justice for the inclusive nature of political justice. If the former accents victims' justice, the latter prioritizes survivors' justice. If Nuremberg has been ideologized as a paradigm, the end of apartheid has been exceptionalized as an improbable outcome produced by the exceptional personality of Nelson Mandela. This essay argues for the core relevance of the South African transition for ending civil wars in the rest of Africa.