Suchergebnisse

Surveys African-American representation in the legislatures of 6 southern states -- AL, LA, NC, SC, TN, & VA -- for the period 1980-2000. Statistical data from various issues of Black Elected Officials: A National Roster & state legislative records are used to chart increases in the numbers of blacks in both the house & senate cambers of each state legislature; explore black leadership (particularly in terms of serving as committee chairs or vice-chairs); & determine the strength of black caucuses. Significant gains by African Americans in terms of descriptive representation (actual numbers) in the legislatures of each of these states are documented, though their gains in leadership status are less clear & vary by state; their future hopes of gaining such status range from "relatively positive" (LA & TN) to "bleak" (VA & SC). References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Surveys African-American representation in the legislatures of 6 southern states -- AL, LA, NC, SC, TN, & VA -- for the period 1980-2000. Statistical data from various issues of Black Elected Officials: A National Roster & state legislative records are used to chart increases in the numbers of blacks in both the house & senate cambers of each state legislature; explore black leadership (particularly in terms of serving as committee chairs or vice-chairs); & determine the strength of black caucuses. Significant gains by African Americans in terms of descriptive representation (actual numbers) in the legislatures of each of these states are documented, though their gains in leadership status are less clear & vary by state; their future hopes of gaining such status range from "relatively positive" (LA & TN) to "bleak" (VA & SC). References. K. Hyatt Stewart

An African perspective contends that recent tides of globalization are manifestations of exploitative institutional relationships that were established when Africa was introduced into the world market as a provider of slave labor & cheap raw materials. Exploitation continued through the colonial trading system. It is argued that the root causes of Africa's dire situation are not internal problems but international/regional relations structured to favor global corporations. Many newly independent African states attempted to modernize their economies by borrowing international funds at high interest rates. The resulting accumulation of debt led to stabilization & structural adjustment policies that emphasize production for export & pull citizens from agrarian economies into an urban context. The negative effect on African women of the reduction in both the domestic food supply & government spending on services is discussed. Three case studies are presented to illustrate these points: (1) debt management & the Highly Indebted Poor Countries Debt Relief Initiative; (2) the Chad oil pipeline; & (3) privatization in Senegal. It is concluded that the institutions/processes of globalization are aggravating Africa's marginal position in the international order. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth

During the apartheid era, the South African state committed systematic violence against the institution of the family among Africans. Consequently, many South Africans have experienced a dramatic gap between the ideals & the reality of family life. The author discusses individual experiences of South African family life in the context of political upheaval, state oppression, & economic manipulation. She focuses on the experiences of youthful political activists who participated in the revolt against the apartheid regime. She finds that apartheid seriously disrupted their family ties & undermined their security during the first 20 years of their lives. 1 Table, 27 References. A. Funderburg

Imperialism, sub imperialism & anti-imperialism are all settling into durable patterns & alignments in Africa, even if the continent's notoriously confusing political discourse sometimes conceals the collisions & solutions. The postures of the antiwar rhetoric expressed by Mandela & Mbeki in South Africa are best understood as "talking left, walking right." The role of sub-Saharan Africa in imperialism is related to global circuits of crisis management that were reflected in the US Naval War College's "The Pentagon's New Map" that identified dangers zones for imperialism as incubators of the next generation of global terrorists. The incorporation of Africa into global capitalism through the South African connection identifies the exploitation of role of Johannesburg businesses in mining, construction, financial services, retail & tourism sectors as the most important factors. The ideological backing for corporate oriented subimperialism is located in the South African Institute for International Affairs, although Mbeki's support for the WTO has generated suspicion as the George Bush of Africa. The function of Pretoria's anti-imperialist rhetoric is concluded to be evident as a disguising of subimperial practices during an encouraging recent rise of social movement protests against neoliberalism. The challenge for Africa's progressive force is to establish the difference between "reformist reforms" & advance a "non-reformist" agenda to strengthen democratic movements, empower the producers, & open the door to the contestation of capitalism itself. References. J. Harwell

This chapter expands analysis of Oakeshott's philosophical thought to apply his dual perspectives on political & social theory to African politics through a focus on the basic postulates of human relationships rather than institutions. His perception of the nature of a politics informed by tradition of behavior is a precondition, & his modal understanding of associations is an alternative view to European technical understanding of government. Oakeshott argues that political behavior reflects traditional knowledge as an exploration & pursuit of what is intimated, or hinted at, in traditions of behavior. Regarding African politics, a cultural lag exists between the political development of the state & imposed European technical understanding of politics such as the constitution & state authority. A coherent politics for Africa must rest on understanding Africa's tribal precolonial political traditions, since these traditions continue to influence politics indirectly. The African worldview of ubuntu does not fit with the modern idea of individuals & civil association (societas), but can accept governance in the form of an enterprise association (universitas) based on the principle of individual adjustment in the communal society, even at the cost of some self denial. 20 References. J. Harwell

The prevalence & forms of political corruption in postapartheid South Africa are examined. It is contended that certain structural constraints should render South Africa less vulnerable to political corruption than its sub-Saharan neighbors. Nevertheless, corrupt behavior was widespread in pre-democratic South Africa. Although political corruption has been present in the postapartheid state, most corrupt acts are located in particular departments, not in the central government. It is argued that the extent of political corruption in the South African state facilitated its transition to a democratic system. The issue of whether such corrupt behavior has been inherited from previous regimes or is the outgrowth of postapartheid governments is considered. An explanation for why South Africa's democratic governments have not adopted a more effective approach to addressing corruption is also provided. J. W. Parker

Though the "descriptive" representation of African Americans in the FL state legislature increased steadily following the Voting Rights Act of 1965 & subsequent redistricting measures, it is unclear whether "substantive" representation -- black legislators' ability to represent black interests -- has also increased. House & senate journals & clerk manuals of the state's general assembly are used to analyze changes in the numbers of African Americans in this legislative body & their roll-call voting patterns , 1968-2000; the formation of voting coalitions with white legislators is also examined. The significance of the Congressional Black Caucus, black legislators' relationship with the governor, & the incorporation of blacks into leadership positions, especially committee chairpersonships, is also considered. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Though the "descriptive" representation of African Americans in the FL state legislature increased steadily following the Voting Rights Act of 1965 & subsequent redistricting measures, it is unclear whether "substantive" representation -- black legislators' ability to represent black interests -- has also increased. House & senate journals & clerk manuals of the state's general assembly are used to analyze changes in the numbers of African Americans in this legislative body & their roll-call voting patterns , 1968-2000; the formation of voting coalitions with white legislators is also examined. The significance of the Congressional Black Caucus, black legislators' relationship with the governor, & the incorporation of blacks into leadership positions, especially committee chairpersonships, is also considered. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Contends that corruption in African nations is not more prevalent than it is in East Asian nations. Three factors that determine the extent of corruption in a given nation are identified: the developmental nature, legitimacy, & economic history of a state; the state's form of social organization; & the interaction between the first two factors. Whereas relations between East Asian states & their private sectors resemble strong networks, it is claimed that such connections in African nations are simply loose relationships. Several additional differences that render corruption a better strategy for achieving economic development in East Asian nations are also noted. J. W. Parker

Against popular opinion, largely predicated on the 1957 events surrounding the desegregation of Central High School in Little Rock, AK's political history is actually one of relative racial tolerance. Examined here is whether this situation translated into meaningful political participation by African Americans for the remainder of the 20th century. House & senate journals of the state's general assembly are used to analyze the numbers & role of blacks in this legislative body, 1972-1999, & to examine the voting patterns of black & white Republicans & Democrats on several key race-related issues (civil rights & school desegregation), as well as on more general issues. It is concluded that, though the number of African American state legislators has increased steadily, neither "descriptive" nor "substantive" representation has been achieved. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Against popular opinion, largely predicated on the 1957 events surrounding the desegregation of Central High School in Little Rock, AK's political history is actually one of relative racial tolerance. Examined here is whether this situation translated into meaningful political participation by African Americans for the remainder of the 20th century. House & senate journals of the state's general assembly are used to analyze the numbers & role of blacks in this legislative body, 1972-1999, & to examine the voting patterns of black & white Republicans & Democrats on several key race-related issues (civil rights & school desegregation), as well as on more general issues. It is concluded that, though the number of African American state legislators has increased steadily, neither "descriptive" nor "substantive" representation has been achieved. References. K. Hyatt Stewart