Suchergebnisse

Tulet, Jean-Christian: Introduction. - S. 13-18. Barkin, David: El maíz: persistencia de una cultura en México. - S. 19-32. Forero-Alvarez, Jaime; Torres Guevara, Luz Elba: La part des producteurs familiaux dans le système alimentaire colombien. - S. 33-48. Tulet, Jean-Christian: La révolution du maraîchage dans les Andes du Venezuela. - S. 49-64. Bertrand, Jean-Pierre; Sampaio, Yony; Vital, Tales: Politiques d'approvisionnement en mai͏s au Brésil le cas du Pernambouc. - S. 65-80. Albaladejo, Christophe; Couve, Caroline; Lorda, Amalia: Le marché argentin des légumes frais: enjeux du développement à Bahia Blanca. - S. 81-94. Grandjean, Pernette: Cultures liées au marché interne: une approche des disparités sociales et spatial du Brésil contemporain. - S. 95-106

Las principales tendencias asociadas con la crisis económica, la reestructuración neoliberal y el aumento de las tasas de pobreza rural en Latinoamérica incluyen una diversificación constante de las estrategias de generación de ingresos de los hogares rurales, un incremento en el número de miembros de esos hogares que buscan empleo fuera de la finca, y la creciente participación de las mujeres de las áreas rurales como trabajadoras tanto por cuenta propia como asalariadas en el sector agrícola y en otros sectores. Si bien persisten problemas metodológicos al analizar los cambios en el trabajo de las mujeres de las áreas rurales con el transcurso del tiempo, la tendencia dominante en la región en los últimos decenios ha sido la feminización de la agricultura. El crecimiento del empleo remunerado de las mujeres en el sector agrícola se ha concentrado en el sector de exportación agrícola no-tradicional—sector favorecido por el neoliberalismo—, concretamente en la producción y el envasado de verduras, frutas y flores frescas para los mercados del Norte, lo que actualmente constituye la rama principal de exportación agrícola de Latinoamérica. En muchos países, las mujeres y los niños representan al menos la mitad de la mano de obra para estos cultivos, mientras que las mujeres constituyen la gran mayoría de los trabajadores en las envasadoras orientadas a la exportación. Sin embargo, las características de este empleo, principalmente su naturaleza temporal, estacional y precaria, han dificultado su captación cuantitativa en los censos nacionales y en las encuestas por hogares. En este ensayo se analiza el papel que desempeñan los mercados de trabajo segmentados por género en el incremento de la demanda de mano de obra femenina, y la importancia que reviste para el empoderamiento de las mujeres su creciente participación en el empleo remunerado. También se ha comprobado, en algunos países más que en otros, que la producción parcelaria ha experimentado una feminización, ya que cada vez más mujeres rurales se convierten en las agricultoras principales—es decir, en trabajadoras por cuenta propia del sector agrícola. Este fenómeno se asocia con el aumento del número de familias encabezadas por mujeres; con la ausencia de mano de obra masculina en el sector agrícola, a su vez relacionada con la creciente migración y/o empleo de los hombres en actividades no agrícolas; y con la viabilidad cada vez menor de la agricultura familiar en el marco del neoliberalismo. Es evidente que el principal factor que impulsa estas tendencias es la necesidad que tienen los hogares rurales de diversificar sus fuentes de subsistencia. La escasez creciente de tierras, las crisis económicas y las políticas desfavorables para la agricultura familiar constituyen una combinación de factores que han conducido a que los hogares campesinos ya no puedan sustentarse únicamente a través de la producción agrícola. La respuesta a la crisis de la agricultura familiar ha sido el aumento del número de miembros de los hogares que buscan un empleo fuera de la finca. Que éstos sean hombres, mujeres, o ambos, depende de muchos factores; entre los más importantes destacan la composición del hogar y la fase del ciclo familiar, así como el dinamismo y las características de genero de los mercados de trabajo locales, regionales e internacionales. / ; The main trends associated with the economic crisis, neoliberal restructuring, and the growth of rural poverty rates in Latin America include a continued diversification of rural household income-generating strategies, an increase in the number of household members seeking off-farm employment, and the increased participation of rural women as both own-account and wage workers in the agricultural as well as non-agricultural sectors. While methodological problems persist in analysing changes in rural women's work over time, the dominant trend in the region over the past several decades has been towards the feminization of agriculture. The growth in women's agricultural wage employment has been concentrated in the non-traditional agro-export sector favoured under neoliberalism: specifically, in the production and packing of fresh vegetables, fruits and flowers for Northern markets, what now constitutes Latin America's leading agricultural export rubric. In many countries women and children make up half or more of the field labour for these crops, while women constitute the vast majority of the workers in the packing houses geared to the export market. Nonetheless, the characteristics of this employment, principally its temporary, seasonal and precarious nature, have made it difficult to capture quantitatively in national censuses and household surveys. The essay analyses the role of gender-segmented labour markets in increasing the demand for female labour, as well as the significance of women's increased participation in wage labour for female empowerment. There is also evidence, stronger for some countries than others, of a feminization of smallholder production, as growing numbers of rural women become the principal farmers—that is, own-account workers in agriculture. This phenomenon is associated with an increase in the proportion of rural female household heads; male absence from the farm, in turn related to growing male migration and/or employment in off-farm pursuits; and the decreased viability of peasant farming under neoliberalism. There is little question that the principal factor driving these trends is the need for rural households to diversify their livelihoods. The combination of growing land shortage, economic crises and unfavourable policies for domestic agriculture has meant that peasant households can no longer sustain themselves on the basis of agricultural production alone. The response to the crisis of peasant agriculture has been an increase in the number of rural household members pursuing off-farm activities. Whether these are male, female, or include both genders, depends on a myriad of factors, with household composition and the stage of the domestic cycle, and the dynamism and gendered nature of local, regional and international labour markets, being among the most important. / ; Les ménages ruraux ne cessent de diversifier leurs stratégies de création de revenus. Cette diversification, l'augmentation du nombre des membres du ménage cherchant un emploi hors de l'exploitation familiale et des femmes rurales travaillant à leur compte ou comme salariées dans l'agriculture et d'autres secteurs sont parmi les principales tendances associées à la crise économique, à la restructuration néolibérale et à la montée des taux de pauvreté dans les zones rurales d'Amérique latine. Bien qu'il soit toujours difficile, du fait de problèmes méthodologiques, d'analyser l'évolution du travail des femmes rurales sur une certaine durée, la tendance qui domine dans la région depuis plusieurs décennies est celle de la féminisation de l'agriculture. Les emplois salariés féminins dans l'agriculture se sont surtout développés dans le secteur des exportations agricoles non traditionnelles que privilégie le néolibéralisme: en particulier dans la production et le conditionnement des produits frais—légumes, fruits et fleurs—pour les marchés du Nord, qui sont actuellement les principales exportations agricoles de l'Amérique latine. Dans bien des pays, les femmes et les enfants représentent la moitié, sinon plus, de la main-d'oeuvre employée aux champs pour ces cultures, et la grande majorité des employés affectés au conditionnement pour les marchés d'exportation sont des femmes. Cependant, du fait de la nature de ces emplois, surtout de leur caractère temporaire et saisonnier et de leur précarité, il est difficile d'en évaluer le nombre à partir des recensements nationaux et des enquêtes auprès des ménages. Dans cet essai, l'auteur analyse dans quelle mesure les marchés du travail segmentés par sexe contribuent à faire augmenter la demande de main-d'oeuvre féminine, et se demande quelle importance revêt l'activité salariée, en augmentation chez les femmes, pour leur autonomisation. Des éléments portent également à croire, plus nombreux d'ailleurs pour certains pays que pour d'autres, à une féminisation des petits producteurs car les femmes rurales sont de plus en plus nombreuses à diriger l'exploitation familiale, c'est-à-dire à travailler à leur propre compte dans l'agriculture. Ce phénomène est associé à une augmentation de la proportion des femmes rurales chefs de famille, à l'absence des hommes des exploitations agricoles, elle-même liée à une migration croissante des hommes et/ou à leur emploi dans des secteurs autres que l'agriculture et à la moindre viabilité des exploitations agricoles paysannes en régime néolibéral. Il n'est guère contestable que le moteur principal de ces tendances n'est autre que le besoin pour les ménages ruraux de diversifier leurs moyens d'existence. Avec la pénurie croissante de terres, conjuguée aux crises économiques et à des politiques défavorables à l'agriculture nationale, les ménages paysans ne peuvent plus vivre de leur seule production agricole. L'augmentation du nombre des membres du ménage cherchant un emploi hors de la ferme a été une façon de répondre à la crise. Ces emplois peuvent être féminins, masculins ou ouverts aux deux sexes; cela dépend d'une multitude de facteurs, dont les plus importants sont sans doute la composition du ménage et le stade du cycle familial, le dynamisme du marché du travail local, régional et international et son attitude envers chacun des deux sexes.

Los paisajes rurales están despertando en Europa un interés creciente debido a la demanda social de paisaje como elemento de calidad de vida y al proceso de ambientalización de la agricultura europea. Dicha preocupación ha generado que el paisaje haya sido incorporado a la agenda política europea y se hayan ido consolidando nuevas relaciones entre el campo y la ciudad. Todo ello está influyendo en que se pongan en marcha acciones destinadas a la defensa y mejora de los paisajes y a una adecuada gestión del territorio, que garantice la integración e implantación de nuevas actividades en los paisajes rurales heredados.European citizens are increasingly interested in the countryside: there is now social demand for countryside as an essential ingredient in our quality of life and European agriculture is undergoing a process of "environmentalisation". This concern has led to the inclusion of countryside issues in the European political agenda and a new relationship between the town and country. All of this has promoted the implementation of actions aimed at defending and improving the countryside and appropriate land management strategies, which guarantee the integration and implementation of new activities in inherited rural landscapes.

Research in bean economics includes production, marketing and consumption, and policy studies. Production research focuses on 2 mutually reinforcing themes: (1) assessment of the spread of new var. recently released to farmers by national programs; and (2) assessment of farmers' current production systems and problems. Consumption and marketing of beans remain important research topics because most beans in Latin America are produced for the market, thus making consumer acceptability, price, and ease of market entry, critical factors in determining farmer adoption of new bean var. Case studies of policies affecting bean production and markets are undertaken when they have an important impact on the environment for which the new technology is being developed. A great deal of the research on all these issues is conducted in collaboration with national programs. Strengthening their research capacity through training and collaborative projects is an important activity. (AS) ; La investigacion en economia de frijol incluye estudios en produccion, mercadeo, consumo y politicas. La investigacion en produccion se enfoca en 2 esquemas que se refuerzan mutuamente: 1) evaluacion de la diseminacion de las nuevas var. recientemente liberadas a los agricultores por los programas nacionales y 2) evaluacion de los sistemas y problemas de produccion actuales de los agricultores. El consumo y el mercadeo del frijol siguen siendo importantes topicos de investigacion, debido a que la mayor parte del frijol en America Latina se produce para el mercado; por lo tanto, la aceptabilidad del consumidor, el precio y la facilidad de entrar al mercado son factores criticos que determinan la adopcion de la nueva 186 var. de frijol por el agricultor. Se realizan estudios de casos de las politicas que afectan la produccion y el mercadeo del frijol cuando estas tienen un impacto importante en el ambiente en el cual se esta desarrollando la nueva tecnologia. Una gran cantidad de la investigacion sobre todos estos temas se realiza en colaboracion con los programas nacionales. El fortalecimiento de su capacidad de investigacion mediante la capacitacion y los proyectos colaborativos es una actividad importante. (RA-CIAT)

Economics research in the bean program continues to concentrate on production studies, marketing issues, policy analysis, and training. Diagnostic studies of current production systems and problems were conducted in Brazil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Peru. Results of preadoption evaluations in Peru and of adoption studies in Guatemala are included. To assess the distribution of benefits of alternative technologies biased towards small or towards large farmers, both among producer groups as well as among consumers of different income strata, a demand and supply model of beans was constructed for Brazil. The model shows that benefits to small farmers are highly sensitive to the degree of technology bias. Most of this research is conducted in collaboration with national programs, and strengthening their research capacity through training and joint projects is a major objective. (CIAT) ; La investigacion sobre aspectos economicos en el programa de frijol sigue concentrandose en estudios de produccion, mercadeo, analisis de politicas y capacitacion. Se llevaron a cabo estudios sobre el diagnostico de los actuales sistemas y problemas de produccion en Brasil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Republica Dominicana, El Salvador, Nicaragua y Peru. Se incluyen los resultados de evaluaciones de preadopcion en Peru y de estudios de adopcion en Guatemala. Para evaluar la distribucion de beneficios de tecnologias alternas orientadas tanto hacia los pequenos agricultores como a los en gran escala, dentro tanto del grupo de productores como del de consumidores de diferentes estratos de ingresos, se construyo para Brasil un modelo de oferta y demanda de frijol. El modelo muestra que los beneficios para los pequenos agricultores son altamente sensibles al grado de predileccion por la tecnologia. La mayoria de esta investigacion se realiza en colaboracion con los programas nacionales, y el objetivo fundamental es fortalecer su capacidad de investigacion a traves de la capacitacion y de proyectos conjuntos. (CIAT)

The purpose of this symposium was to prepare recommendations for the Colombian Government so that they can follow a definite course of action with regard to the planning of cassava cultivation and to ensure that the technology being generated by the research institutions is transferred to the farmer for the economic welare of the country. The conclusions reached by the 2 work groups on production and industrialization are given. (CIAT)

Brazil is a land of contrasts; at the same time that it is emerging as a global economic power, it is also one of the most unequal countries in Latin America. When "Lula" Da Silva and his Workers' Party ("PT") won the 2002 election, they intended to pay a historical debt to the poor. Lula envisioned a country with inclusive growth, where redistribution and poverty reduction were seen as prerequisites for economic growth, and not as competing policy objectives (Leubolt, 2013: 76). In doing so, his government not only changed the content of social policies, but also the very policy-making process. Lula's Fome Zero strategy takes a comprehensive approach to reducing hunger in Brazil. Fome Zero is an umbrella framework that includes programs aimed at increasing access to food, strengthening family agriculture, fostering income generating activities, and supporting partnership promotion and civil society mobilization.This brief presents an analysis of the Fome Zero policy targeting family agriculture, the Food Purchase Program (Programa de Aquisicao de Alimentos, "PAA"). In Brazil 30% of rural enterprises are family farms. They produce 38% of the agricultural value and employ over 70% of rural workers (Rocha, 2009: 58). On the other hand, in 2003 rural poverty was as high as 41%. Accordingly, PAA seeks to tackle rural poverty and food insecurity by guaranteeing demand in local markets for small producers through local government purchases of agricultural products. The first section of this brief presents the context in which PAA was conceived, followed by a summary of the implementation process. The following section presents an evaluation of the policy results. Finally, the analysis concludes with lessons learned and proposed changes.As previously mentioned, the PT election can be seen as the catalyst that propitiated the introduction of PAA. However, the formulation of social policies in Brazil started after the collapse of the military dictatorship in 1985. The 1988 Brazilian Constitution set in motion the decentralization process that empowered municipalities. Then, the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) focused on strengthening democratic institutions and economic growth. In addition, in the early 1990s municipalities across different states devised conditional cash transfer (CCT) schemes that benefited the poor. Moreover, during the FHC administration (1995-2002) the federal government launched CCTs at the national level (Bolsa Escola and Bolsa Alimentacao).The PT created a positive environment that enabled the formulation of Fome Zero, with elements that legitimized such social policies as PAA. First, with the transition to democracy social protection policies began to be seen as investments to further development and not as drainage of public resources. Second, the provision of social services had experienced a switch from a universalist model to one that prioritizes targeting vulnerable populations, i.e. CCTs. The third factor was the current economic growth, since the government would not have been able to establish redistributive programs without it. The fourth element was the country's poor social indicators. Despite experiencing growth, Brazil had high social exclusion and inequality because the rapid economic development was elusive to the poor. Finally, the fifth source of legitimacy was the PT election. Lula based his presidential campaign on a discourse of inclusive growth. He promised to eradicate poverty and to redistribute wealth in the country, while reaffirming his commitment to continue with the orthodox liberal monetary policies introduced in previous administrations.Rural poverty and food insecurity were the problems that drove the creation of the PAA policy. The PT designed the framework to address these issues through Fome Zero and the National Food and Nutritional Security Policy ("PNSAN"). However, it deliberately democratized and decentralized the policy debate. In a nutshell, Fome Zero is the articulation of a web of social protection policies and ministries and agencies and its, and PAA's, success relied on creating partnerships with key stakeholders (local governments, businesses and civil society organizations). The federal government created the Social Development Ministry ("MDS") to manage Fome Zero and its subsidiary policies. During the policy formulation process, the MDS organized meetings, workshops and symposia with a multiplicity of stakeholders. These encounters granted non-governmental organizations the possibility to exert influence in the policy process. Social movements also played a key role in the formulation of the National Law for Food and Nutrition Security ("LOSAN"). Furthermore, this law granted civil society participation through the newly created National Council for Food and Nutrition Security ("CONSEA"), which is present at the national, regional and local levels.It was important that the new policy aimed at reducing rural poverty avoid compromising the pro-export production model that had transformed Brazil into one of the world's largest food exporters. Policy-makers considered several traditional options, three of which were discarded for various reasons. An extensive agrarian reform redistributing land to the landless and small farmers would have reduced food outputs. A second alternative, to take no action, would assume that market forces would provide opportunities for poor peasants. The third scenario was to formulate several policies, scattered across different ministries without coordination. The selected policy option implemented by the PT followed a multi-sectoral approach. It sought to increase poor families' income through CCTs, (Bolsa Familia), aimed at feeding the vulnerable population via school meals, community kitchens and popular restaurants, and at strengthening family agriculture through credit and food purchase via PRONAF and PAA. Ultimately, this integral overarching policy focuses on guaranteeing food availability, improving food access and increasing food supply.Successful implementation of such a policy demanded a new policy model that articulates the different dimensions of the policy, while also facilitating the participation of multiple stakeholders. In short, CONSEA, MDS and the Inter-Ministerial Chamber on Food and Nutritional Security ("CAISAN") established the policy system. In such policy system, the national, state and municipal executive powers have the ability to adapt the policy to their local context. The system is crafted after receiving feedback from within the political structure, as well as from the civil society. The following diagram illustrates how the food security policy process works.Created by Law 10.969 in 2003, PAA is administered by MDS and the Ministry of Agricultural Development ("MDA"). PAA guidelines are defined by the Grupo Gestor ("Managing Group"), which is comprised of six ministries: MDS; MDA; Economy; Planning and Budgeting; Agriculture; and Education. The execution has two stages; first, at the national level in partnership with the National Supply Agency (CONAB), and second, decentralized execution involving the participation of state and municipal governments. These latter partnerships are crucial for PAA because the MDS and MDA budget are directed exclusively towards agricultural products procurement, while it is the local governments who ensure the system is operable to allow for the purchases.PAA includes four programs: Purchase for Immediate Donation, Incentives for Milk Consumption and Production, Direct Purchase and Stock Formation. The first two programs aim at buying produce and milk to redistribute among the vulnerable population. Between 2003 and 2010 they represented 39% and 37% of PAA budget, respectively. The objectives of Direct Purchase and Stock formation are to facilitate resources for the promotion of public and individual's stock formation that can guarantee food availability and fair prices for family farmers.PAA intends to benefit two groups of people: food producers and food consumers. The food producers are family farmers including fish farmers, fishermen, extractors, indigenous farmers, quilombolaand family farmers settled during the land reform. The food consumers group comprises people and families under social vulnerability, with imminent risk of nutritional and food insecurity, people assisted by national food and nutrition security programs, and children in public schools.The follow paragraph summarizes the main policy outputs. By the end of 2011 the program had reached over 204,000 small farmers, which is only 3.28% of the rural farmer population. PAA's target for 2013 is to buy products from 445,000 farmers. PAA is present in 2,300 municipalities across the country and targets the country's poorest regions. For instance, the Northeastern region receives 50% of PAA budget. In terms of resources, the MDS and MDA budget has risen from $52 million in 2003 to $585 million in 2013. In terms of food production, food purchases more than tripled between 2003 and 2010, from 135,800 to 426,400 tons. On average, PAA serves 25,000 institutions that feed over 15 million people.PAA has produced both intended and unintended outcomes. First, the program has increased rural farmers' income through food purchases. Now, local farmers produce and sell to local schools and hospitals. Moreover, PAA pays an extra 30% above the regular price for organic products, boosting local economies as a result. Second, producers not covered by PAA are indirect beneficiaries because they also enjoy higher local prices. Third, food stocks have also helped control price fluctuations. Fourth, there is greater diversity of products since PPA purchases more than 330 different items. Fifth, PAA has played an important role in the strengthening of associations and cooperatives. It also provides the stimulus to establish small agro-industries so that associations can process and add value to their production output.Two unintended outcomes attributable to PAA are an increase in price for some staple foods and the expansion of neo-patrimonial institutions, such as political corruption, patronage and clientelism at the local level. Thus, we can assume that the policy "winners" are MDS, CONAB, CONSEA, civil society organizations, farmers, vulnerable population benefited by PAA, local level authorities and local institutions (i.e. schools). On the other hand, three policy "losers" are those corporations in charge of selling food products to the government, farmers who cannot meet the PAA criteria, and low- and middle-income urban populations who must pay higher prices. Although negatively impacted by PAA, these groups do not threaten the viability of the policy. Corporations and big businesses still sell food products to the government because PAA cannot meet the food demand. Despite the fact that they cannot sell to PAA, farmers have a suitable environment that provides easy access to credit and encourages production. Finally, even though prices increased, so did the salaries of the middle-income population.PAA is an innovative policy because of its participatory model during the formulation process, which allows it to enjoy support from its beneficiaries and civil society organizations. Also, PAA's administration is notable since, given its multi-sectoral approach, six different ministries form the managing unit. Finally, the regular control and oversight done by social movements and the impending need to improve coordination among ministries make policy evaluation a necessary priority for PAA's success.In a short amount of time, PAA has already undergone three evaluation rounds (2005, 2008 and 2010). Each evaluation improves the policy and guarantees more popular support. For instance, after the last evaluation the government enacted Law 12.512/2011 and Decree 7.775/2012, which aims at facilitating coordination among the implementing bodies. It also raised the maximum farmer benefits from $1,250 in 2003, to $2,400 in 2006, to $4,100 in 2012. In addition, it encourages organic production by paying 30% above regular price. More importantly, the last policy redesign includes a gender component by establishing that at least 5% of PAA purchases must come from women's associations. Finally, it guarantees a quota of 30% of institutional purchases (schools and hospitals, among others) for small farmers.However, despite the iterative evaluation and redesign process, there is still room for improvement in the policy. Most importantly, PAA does not reach the poorest of the poor. Although the registration process is very efficient because it is based on another social program (PRONAF), the poorest farmers lack land titles, thus cannot be part of PRONAF or PAA. The policy could be improved with provisions enabling the inclusion of this group.PAA is helping with the national goals of poverty alleviation, however redefining its goals and incorporating strategic planning in rural development could improve PAA. More specifically, PAA should reconsider its strategy towards associativism and cooperativism. The policy could enhance further rural development by supporting associations and cooperatives in becoming artisanal industries that add value to their products.In conclusion, PAA intends to solve a social problem by addressing both the supply and demand sides. On one hand, PPA's objective is to eliminate hunger by guaranteeing food availability, improving food access and increasing food supply. On the other hand, PAA reduces rural poverty by providing opportunities to small farmers with market access and better prices. The policy has demonstrated positive results and has been constantly improved through iterative evaluations. With further strategic planning on how to help associations becoming the leaders of rural development the policy could achieve optimal positive impact.Sobre el autorMA International DevelopmentSchool of International ServiceAmerican UniversityLicenciado en Estudios InternacionalesUniversidad ORT - Uruguay

Some characteristics of the model green revolution are discussed from an environmental point of view, understood as the study of the complex relationships between environment and culture. They include variables of social organization such as the level of soil stress, climate and earth surface, they also include symbolic structures like land accessibility and technological and scientific power of the societies where the model was originated. Some aspects of technology transfer are reviewed as well as the process of the new transgenic model, which is opposed to the alternative agricultural movements. Some qualms on the pertinence of the models for the solution of the central problems of the Colombian agriculture are presented. ; Partiendo del enfoque ambiental, que se entiende como el estudio de las complejas relaciones entre ecosistema y cultura, se discuten algunas características del modelo de revolución verde, tanto a cerca de las exigencias de suelos, clima y relieve como de algunas variables de organización social y estructura simbólicas entre ellas, el acceso la tierra y el poderío científico tecnológico de las sociedades en las que se originó el modelo. Se revisan algunos rasgos de la transferencia de tecnología y del nuevo proceso modelo transgénico, al cual se oponen los movimientos de agricultura alternativa,planteando algunas inquietudes sobre la pertinencia de los modelos analizados en la resolución de los problemas centrales de la agricultura colombiana.