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"Confronting the Environmental Crisis" examines the role anti-environmentalism played in the unification of conservative thought in the 1960s and 1970s. American conservatism during these decades was no monolith. Rather, it was an incredibly diverse political philosophy capable of sheltering a number of disparate strains of thought under its broad canopy. But these strains did not always exist in harmony with one another. In fact, for much of the period under consideration, the four major conservative philosophies – traditionalism, libertarianism, fusionism, and neoconservatism – existed in explicit tension within one another. Unless the ideological barriers separating these contrasting impulses were somehow smoothed over, American conservatism would remain fractured and incapable of influencing national politics in any meaningful way. This dissertation argues that opposition to environmentalism in the 1970s served as a unifying force for American conservatism. It served as the glue that held together the opposing varieties of conservatism despite the persistence of ideological divisions in other areas of thought. The emergence of conservative anti-environmentalism in the 1970s owed much to the transformation of the American environmental movement. In the 1960s, many conservative intellectuals supported the environmental protection because they believed their philosophical principles supported environmental protection. But beginning in the 1970s, the environmental movement transformed into something that American conservatives no longer recognized. They perceived that their values no longer aligned so neatly with those held by environmentalists. Some conservative intellectuals continued to support environmental measures, but for many more this divergence in values led them to repudiate their former position and to embrace an unyielding opposition to environmentalism. By the end of the 1970s, anti-environmentalism had become a defining feature of American conservatism. The unification of American conservatism ...

The environment is traditionally considered as a valence issue where all political parties endorse the same position and differ only on the degree to which they emphasize it. Our paper challenges this view by arguing that the environment is increasingly perceived as a positional issue. We examine cross-country mass survey data and demonstrate that many voters perceive a trade-off between environmental protection and economic growth. This perception is increasingly reflected in the discourse of political parties. In particular, expert surveys and party manifesto data indicate the existence of anti-environmental positions among radical right/nationalist parties, a finding which challenges the view that the environment is a distinctively left-wing issue. By qualitatively analyzing the most recent national and European election manifestos of thirteen radical right parties in Western Europe we demonstrate the ways in which these parties frame their anti-environmental positions and conclude that analyses of voting behaviour should take into account the positional nature of the issues associated with environmental protection.

The environment is traditionally considered as a valence issue where all political parties endorse the same position and differ only on the degree to which they emphasize it. Our paper challenges this view by arguing that the environment is increasingly perceived as a positional issue. We examine cross-country mass survey data and demonstrate that many voters perceive a trade-off between environmental protection and economic growth. This perception is increasingly reflected in the discourse of political parties. In particular, expert surveys and party manifesto data indicate the existence of anti-environmental positions among radical right/nationalist parties, a finding which challenges the view that the environment is a distinctively left-wing issue. By qualitatively analyzing the most recent national and European election manifestos of thirteen radical right parties in Western Europe we demonstrate the ways in which these parties frame their anti-environmental positions and conclude that analyses of voting behaviour should take into account the positional nature of the issues associated with environmental protection.

The social dominance–environmentalism nexus proposes that orientations for inequality and domination are expressed both in human–human and human–nature relations. In two studies, the present work applies and extends this proposition to understand endorsement of environmental values, concern with climate change, support for climate policies, and responsibility for climate action. In study one, using a representative random sample from Portugal (N = 1270, 53.3% female; European Social Survey, ESS8), social dominance orientation showed unique associations with concern with climate change. Moreover, opposition to immigration (as expression of anti-egalitarianism in intergroup relations) showed unique associations with all four measures of environmentalism. In study two, multi-level analyses using representative random samples from 20 other countries in Europe (N = 38830, 51.5% female; ESS8) confirmed the associations between opposition to immigration and environmentalism, controlling for a set of sociodemographic covariates, political orientation, and nesting at the country level. However, there were differences in the strength and direction of these associations based on country levels of societal development (i.e., Human Development Index; HDI). These differences reinforce the notion that context or situational variables may shape the links between diverse expressions of (anti-)egalitarianism and (anti-)environmentalism. Inputs for applied research on hierarchy-affirming tendencies toward others and the natural environment are proposed and discussed. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

The social dominance-environmentalism nexus proposes that orientations for inequality and domination are expressed both in human-human and human-nature relations. In two studies, the present work applies and extends this proposition to understand endorsement of environmental values, concern with climate change, support for climate policies, and responsibility for climate action. In study one, using a representative random sample from Portugal (N=1270, 53.3% female; European Social Survey, ESS8), social dominance orientation showed unique associations with concern with climate change. Moreover, opposition to immigration (as expression of anti-egalitarianism in intergroup relations) showed unique associations with all four measures of environmentalism. In study two, multi-level analyses using representative random samples from 20 other countries in Europe (N=38830, 51.5% female; ESS8) confirmed the associations between opposition to immigration and environmentalism, controlling for a set of sociodemographic covariates, political orientation, and nesting at the country level. However, there were differences in the strength and direction of these associations based on country levels of societal development (i.e., Human-Development-Index; HDI). These differences reinforce the notion that context or situational variables may shape the links between diverse expressions of (anti )egalitarianism and (anti-)environmentalism. Inputs for applied research on hierarchy affirming tendencies toward others and the natural environment are proposed and discussed. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This article considers the format and cultural politics of the hugely successful UK television program Top Gear (BBC 2002–2015). It analyzes how—through its presenting team—it constructed an informal address predicated around anti-authoritarian or contrarian banter and protest masculinity. Regular targets for Top Gear presenter's protest—curtailed by broadcast guidelines in terms of gender and ethnicity—are deflected onto the "soft" targets of government legislation on environmental issues or various forms of regulation "red tape". Repeated references to speed cameras, central London congestion charges and "excessive" signage are all anti-authoritarian, libertarian discourses delivered through a comedic form of performance address. Thus, the BBC's primary response to complaints made about this program was to defend the program's political views as being part of the humor. The article draws on critical discourse analysis and conversation analysis to consider how the program licensed a particular form of engagement that helped it to deflect criticisms, and considers the limits to such discursive positioning. We conclude by examining the controversies that finally led, in 2015, to the removal of the main presenter, Jeremy Clarkson, and the ending of this version of the program through the departure of the team to an on-demand online television service.

This piece for the University of Chicago Law Review Symposium: Reassessing the State and Local Government Toolkit, examines how local governments can use private law mechanisms to entrench policy in ways that circumvent typical legal limitations. The piece examines in detail a specific example of a town donating conservation easements over property it owns to a third-party not-for-profit conservation organization in order ensure that the property would not be developed in the future. This is nearly the functional equivalent of passing an unrepealable zoning ordinance restricting development, something existing anti-entrenchment rules would never permit. The piece examines the costs and benefits of using such a device. It theorizes generally about the nature of entrenchment outside of public law, and identifies anti-entrenchment protections designed to prevent the worst abuses. It ultimately argues that eminent domain serves an important role in allowing subsequent governments to escape the precommitments of prior governments and proposes a modest modification in compensation rules to limit the extent to which conservation easements can entrench an anti-development agenda.

In the environmental politics literature, cities are commonly framed as key sites for a shift towards greater sustainability and urban grassroots initiatives, such as food co-ops, urban gardening initiatives, repair café ; s, and libraries of things, are commonly portrayed as such a shift&rsquo ; s key drivers. This paper develops a critical perspective on both common portrayals. It does so by drawing on critical urban theory, especially Lefebvre&rsquo ; s Right to the City. First, inspired by Lefebvre&rsquo ; s critique of city-centrism, the paper argues that the scope and limits of urban environmentalism hinge not only on the goals pursued but also on how the urban is framed. Urban environmentalism may mean mere lifeworld environmentalism: the greening of cities as if there were (relatively) bounded sites. Yet urban environmentalism may also mean planetary environmentalism: the mapping, problematization, and transformation of unsustainable urbanization processes that underpin given sites and lifeworlds, but also operate at beyond the latter&mdash ; at a societal and planetary scale. Second, inspired by Lefebvre&rsquo ; s reformulation of right claims as a transformative political tool, this paper takes issue with environmental practices and discourses that present society&rsquo ; s niches, cracks, and margins as a key fermenting ground for radical environmental change. Since not only institutional but also bottom-up pursuits of more sustainable nature-society relations often remain stuck in mere lifeworld reform, this paper foregrounds heterodox right claims as an underexplored modus operandi in active pursuits of and discourses on radical environmental change. Heterodox right claims mean the active appropriation of dominant political languages, such as the language of the right, while seeking to change their grammar. What this may mean in the realm of environmental politics will be spelled out at hand of the example of claims to a right to public transport.

In the environmental politics literature, cities are commonly framed as key sites for a shift towards greater sustainability and urban grassroots initiatives, such as food co-ops, urban gardening initiatives, repair cafés, and libraries of things, are commonly portrayed as such a shift's key drivers. This paper develops a critical perspective on both common portrayals. It does so by drawing on critical urban theory, especially Lefebvre's Right to the City. First, inspired by Lefebvre's critique of city-centrism, the paper argues that the scope and limits of urban environmentalism hinge not only on the goals pursued but also on how the urban is framed. Urban environmentalism may mean mere lifeworld environmentalism: the greening of cities as if there were (relatively) bounded sites. Yet urban environmentalism may also mean planetary environmentalism: the mapping, problematization, and transformation of unsustainable urbanization processes that underpin given sites and lifeworlds, but also operate at beyond the latter—at a societal and planetary scale. Second, inspired by Lefebvre's reformulation of right claims as a transformative political tool, this paper takes issue with environmental practices and discourses that present society's niches, cracks, and margins as a key fermenting ground for radical environmental change. Since not only institutional but also bottom-up pursuits of more sustainable nature-society relations often remain stuck in mere lifeworld reform, this paper foregrounds heterodox right claims as an underexplored modus operandi in active pursuits of and discourses on radical environmental change. Heterodox right claims mean the active appropriation of dominant political languages, such as the language of right, while seeking to change the latter's grammar. What this may mean in the realm of environmental politics, will be spelled out at hand of the example of claims to a right to public transport.

1. What is the influence of the multifaceted state on corporate environmentalism in China? 2. What economic and political factors can exert influences on the propensity of a Chinese business group affiliate to adopt an environmental management system?

__Research questions:__ _1. What is the influence of the multifaceted state on corporate environmentalism in China?_ _2. What economic and political factors can exert influences on the propensity of a Chinese business group affiliate to adopt an environmental management system?_

The normative foundations of the environmental movement can be thought of in a range of different ways. The present paper is a commentary on very interesting papers by Thomas Dunlap, Thomas Hill and Kimberly Smith, who take up the spiritual, ethical and political perspectives respectively. Their accounts are described and evaluated.

The normative foundations of the environmental movement can be thought of in a range of different ways. The present paper is a commentary on very interesting papers by Thomas Dunlap, Thomas Hill and Kimberly Smith, who take up the spiritual, ethical and political perspectives respectively. Their accounts are described and evaluated.

The discourse of environmentalism now cuts across several disciplinary fields of studies. The scope of environmentalism has widened to such an extent that it is no longer a local or national phenomenon involving a particular group or community but a global and international issue ridden with crises that often touch upon common lives. In Australia the role of man in shaping the natural environment and vise-versa has been extremely important since the time of human settlement and more so after it was settled by the Europeans. Although it is customary to trace the origins of environmentalism to the rise of green movements in North America in the 1950s and 60s, in Australia too much has been written from the perspective of an environmentalist. Environment now comes up as a top priority issue in policy making and planning. Simultaneously, the cultural and literary output that deals with environment has also grown significantly. This paper will look into one of Australia's most well-known writer in this evolving field of environmental discourses and try to analyze his contribution as an environmentalist. Eric Rolls (1923 – 2007) stands out as an important figure in the field of literary and environmental activism in Australia. His woks can be best appreciated from the perspective of a living and growing tradition of writing in Australia which overlaps the fields of literature, environmental history and cultural ecology. The issues of resource use and settlement are fundamental to the understanding of Australian nature writing and the importance of Eric Rolls in this context needs to be emphasized. Through his writings on the evolution and formation of Australian wildlife and vegetation after the settlement by the whites, he provided rich commentary on the early colonial attitudes to the continent. The history of environmentalism is a combination of individual and collective activism expressed through cultural, social and political movements. Eric Rolls was not part of any organized environmental campaign. But his ...

The paper traces the growth and practices of Philippine environmentalism, from the crucial years of 1970s Marcos era to the early 1990s of the Green Forum. It highlights Filipino environmentalists' advocacy for environmental protection and effort to democratize access to natural resources. Given its legitimized and historical rights as stipulated in the Philippine Constitution, the Philippine State owns and primarily utilizes natural resources for economic purposes. It also has the power to distribute land titles. However, due to graft and corruption in the government, the State becomes weak in implementing environmental policies and ineffective in securing a healthy ecology for the people. Added to this burden is the State's high propensity to prioritize private companies whose intents do not necessarily reflect and promote a sustainable environment development. In this dire context, conflict of interests between the State and its citizenry, especially indigenous groups, arises. Rallying issues raised against the State are displacement, embezzlement, and destruction of natural resources. Indigenous groups, environmental NGOs, and church-community groups become active in promoting and implementing sustainable development projects in communities as well as in lobbying environment policies that demand State's equity towards its citizenry and natural resources. Another challenge is the undertaking of capacity-building measures in order to become effective participants in the local implementation of projects. Environmental NGOs and the like are expected to be technically-efficient and organizationally-competent in order to execute community-based resource management programs.