(Bibliography) Includes bibliographical references and index. ; Papers originally presented as part of the Carter lectures on Africa at the University of Florida in 1987 and 1988. ; (Statement of Responsibility) edited by R. Hunt Davis, Jr.
In this article it is argued that apartheid, as idea-historical phenomenon, needs to be understood against the background of a short comparison between modern and premodern thought. Apartheid was, in many respects, a theoretical and practical manifestation of modernism. As such, it was by no means a modern anomaly, or a phenomenon that contradicted the fundamental assumptions of modern philosophical and political thought. The first section of this article addresses only a single aspect of traditional thought, namely the idea of being understood as circular event. Traditional thought understood being as emanating from, and returning to a first principle, namely the Good (Plato), the One (Plotinus), or God (Aquinas). The ensuing section discusses only a single aspect of modernism, namely its understanding of being not as circular event, but as a neutral, spatial, and linear grid upon which reality can be mapped. Once mapped on such a grid, according to modernism, being can be experienced as a "standing reserve" (or as an always available resource) to be controlled and used at will by the modern subject. In the third section of this article, it is argued that apartheid was made possible by the above ontological presupposition. According to the apartheid state, being could, in principle, be spatialised on a neutral grid, and thus directed and controlled from the vantage point of the sovereign subject. The concluding section focuses on the much-discredited community, the Afrikaners. Despite disclaimers among Afrikaners, the heavy burden of the apartheid legacy rests squarely on their shoulders. However, it will also be argued that Afrikaners, if given the opportunity, may provide us in future with important examples of a politics that moves beyond the spatialising and geometrising ambitions of the modern state. In a hermeneutical re-appropriation of their own pre-modern tradition, Afrikaners may, in collaboration with other communities, help show a way toward a traditional politics of place (rather than the modern politics of space).
In the early 1990s, during a visit to the Netherlands, Nelson Mandela specially thanked the Netherlands for the role they had played in helping to bring apartheid to an end, and more specifically for their support for the African National Congress (ANC). However, on considering the actions of the Netherlands' government during the apartheid period, it becomes apparent that the government did not take major steps to help end apartheid. In actual fact, the Netherlands' government's policy was more often characterised by a lack of specific resolutions against apartheid with few promised actions resulting in concrete steps. This lack of action is seen in aspects such as the 'ton van Luns'; continued cultural relations through the Cultural Accord; and in the two-stream policy of the RFM Lubbers government. The aim of this article is to look beyond the official Dutch government reaction to apartheid, and consider the non-governmental anti-apartheid organisations in the Netherlands in order to asses why the Netherlands is characterised as so actively anti-apartheid.
In ganz Nord- und Mitteleuropa bildeten sich in den 1960er- und 1970er-Jahren Anti-Apartheid-Bewegungen, die durch Aktionen in ihren Heimatländern den Kampf gegen die Apartheid in Südafrika unterstützen wollten. In der Bundesrepublik Deutschland wurde am 21. April 1974 im niedersächsischen Othfresen (südlich von Salzgitter) der Verein »Anti-Apartheid-Bewegung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und West-Berlin« (AAB) gegründet. Zu diesem ersten Treffen eingeladen hatten der Mainzer Arbeitskreis Südliches Afrika (MAKSA) – ein 1971 entstandener Zusammenschluss evangelischer Kirchenmitarbeiter, die selbst einige Jahre in Südafrika tätig gewesen waren und meist wegen ihrer Haltung zur Apartheid das Land hatten verlassen müssen –, die Arbeitsgruppe »Freiheit für Nelson Mandela«, die aus dem MAKSA 1973 unter der Federführung des Stuttgarter Pfarrers Karl Schmidt hervorgegangen war, sowie der Pfarrer Hans-Ludwig Althaus. Sie wollten über die Situation in Südafrika informieren und Protest gegen die Apartheid mobilisieren. Sie kritisierten insbesondere die Zusammenarbeit der Bundesregierung und westdeutscher Unternehmen mit dem Apartheid-Regime. Der Begriff Anti-Apartheid-Bewegung hat aber eine doppelte Bedeutung: Neben dem Namen des Vereins bezeichnet er zugleich allgemein die gesellschaftliche Bewegung derer, die sich gegen die Apartheid in Südafrika engagierten. Diverse Gruppen waren daran beteiligt; im Laufe der Jahre erstellten sie eine Fülle von Plakaten. Dieser Beitrag soll einen Einblick in die verschiedenen Gestaltungsformen der Anti-Apartheid-Plakate in der Bundesrepublik geben.
"Racism after Apartheid, volume four of the Democratic Marxism series, brings together leading scholars and activists from around the world studying and challenging racism. In eleven thematically rich and conceptually informed chapters, the contributors interrogate the complex nexus of questions surrounding race and relations of oppression as they are played out in the global South and global North. Their work challenges Marxism and anti-racism to take these lived realities seriously and consistently struggle to build human solidarities."
Contents: Statements made in plenary meetings of the General Assembly by: 1. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Finland -- 2. The representative of Norway -- 3. The representative of Denmark -- 4. The representative of Sweden -- 5. The representative of Iceland -- Statements in the Security Council by: Mr. Olof Palme, Sweden -- Ambassador Anders Thunborg, Sweden -- Statements at the United Nations Conference in Maputo by: Mr. Ola Ullsten, Sweden -- Mr. Olof Palme, Sweden
The Oregon Anti-Apartheid Scrapbook is made up of newspaper clippings assembled by OSU history department faculty member Ed Ferguson. Ferguson, a specialist in African history, served as an associate professor in the history department from 1979-1991. The scrapbook documents the protest and educational campaign led by the OSU African Students Association (ASA) in response to wrestling coach Dale Thomas' association with the South African wrestling community. Thomas' hosting of visiting South African coaches and proposed team tour of the country drew fire because of an international ban upon competition with South African athletes as a protest of the racist apartheid political system. Taken primarily from the OSU Barometer, the Corvallis Gazette-Times, and The Oregonian newspapers, these clippings include editorials about the campaign, articles about campaign presentations sponsored by the ASA on apartheid, and stories about public campus forums about the topic. The clippings date from 1980-1982 and include letters to the editor by Ferguson and stories about his involvement in the forums. Entitled "Enforcing the International Sports Boycott of South Africa at OSU: News Clippings from the Struggle" the scrapbook is a photocopy of the original which is a part of the Oregon Anti-Apartheid Files currently described as part of the African Activist Archives Project at Michigan State University.
La référence à l'apartheid au sujet de la situation en Israël-Palestine n'est pas nouvelle, et prend différentes formes. Suite à l'érection du Mur en partie sur les terres palestiniennes et au désengagement unilatéral de Gaza, le livre intitulé «Palestine, Peace not Apartheid» de l'ancien président des Etats-Unis et Prix Nobel de la paix Jimmy Carter et la polémique qui s'ensuivit ont relancé débat sur la validité ou l'ignominie de l'analogie. Elle est à nouveau utilisée pour stigmatiser l'Etat d'Israël et la guerre implacable menée à Gaza. Cette analogie récurrente fait-elle sens, et a-t-elle une quelconque portée politique? Il faut tout d'abord préciser que l'apartheid sud-africain, qui signifiait « développement séparé des races » en afrikaans, la langue des colons afrikaners d'origine hollandaise, était avant tout une pratique de gouvernement qui a systématisé les principes ségrégatifs hérités de la période coloniale. L'apartheid reposait sur une normalisation et une hiérarchisation strictes de catégories raciales et sur un ensemble de techniques spatiales de gouvernement et de domination. Il est en fait possible de distinguer trois apartheids différents et en partie successifs. L'«apartheid mesquin», le plus fameux et le plus proche des pratiques ségrégationnistes du sud des Etats-Unis, régissait l'usage séparé des espaces publics et même des espaces domestiques ainsi que les relations sociales entre groupes hiérarchisés. Il était avant tout destiné à satisfaire l'ego des petits Blancs et à maintenir dans un état de domination permanente la majorité de la population. L'«apartheid résidentiel» - ou apartheid urbain - cantonnait, cette fois à l'échelle des agglomérations, les différents groupes raciaux dans des zones bien délimitées, les townships des Noirs, Métis et Indiens étant même séparés de la véritable cité (au sens municipal), celle du centre-ville et des quartiers blancs, par une zone tampon. Le «grand apartheid» enfin, qui cette fois visait à établir une certaine décolonisation interne en accordant l'indépendance aux fameux bantoustans formés de terres discontinues et totalement dépendants économiquement, et à se débarrasser ainsi du problème politique des droits civiques et politiques de la majorité de la population devenue pseudo-citoyenne de ces pseudo-Etats. On connaît l'échec de cette stratégie cynique. Aussi dans les différents usages de l'analogie avec l'apartheid, il faut se demander de quel apartheid il s'agit pour en juger la pertinence et surtout la portée politique. L'analogie radicale se fait de manière indifférenciée avec les trois apartheids, c'est celle qui s'était exprimée par exemple lors de la conférence de Durban sur le racisme. Elle vise à assimiler l'Etat d'Israël à un Etat raciste de par sa définition religieuse et le statut accordé aux populations arabes. Pris dans les frontières de 1967, et sans nier certaines discriminations, en particulier dans l'accès à l'armée, le contresens est évident. Les droits civiques et politiques étant reconnus pour tous, la séparation légale des communautés fonctionne sur tout dans le domaine judiciaire, avec un droit de la personne communautarisé et religieux emprunté aux empires cosmopolites et notamment à la pratique du Millet dans l'Empire ottoman. Pris dans les frontières définies par l'occupation des territoires palestiniens, l'analogie prend plus de sens ; elle est d'ailleurs utilisée par une partie de la gauche israélienne et, de fait, par une partie de la droite qui s'alarme d'une possible majorité non juive en Israël. Problème qui nécessiterait des solutions territoriales et politiques pour pouvoir rester dans la catégorie des Etats démocratiques du camp occidental, c'était le fondement de la politique unilatérale de désengagement de Gaza menée par Sharon. L'analogie faite par le camp de la paix et par des observateurs internationaux qui ne sont pas antisionistes, celle qu'a osée par exemple l'ex-président Carter, repose donc exclusivement sur le traitement des territoires occupés et s'effectue avec le «grand apartheid» et ses bantoustans. Pour efficace et pédagogique qu'elle soit, l'analogie peut tout de même mener à la confusion. Là où le « grand apartheid » pouvait être vu comme postcolonial dans le sens où il rompait avec une logique d'appro-priation territoriale pour promouvoir une seule logique d'exploitation, les pratiques israéliennes de la colonisation d'une part et de la cantonalisation dans une enclave fermée de l'autre, sont encore marquées par la logique de conquête. Elles s'éloignent de plus en plus de celle de l'exploitation de la main-d'œuvre, mais aussi d'une éventuelle restauration de souveraineté des Territoires dans leur intégrité. La voie d'un accord de paix, que semble souhaiter la nouvelle administration américaine, sera plus que jamais conditionnée à des démantèlements et à l'invention de formules territoriales complexes et négociées telles que celles introduites par l'Initiative de Genève.
Democratic South Africa was born amidst high hopes for the reduction of income poverty and inequality from their high levels under apartheid. The reality has been disappointing: despite steady economic growth, income poverty probably rose in the late 1990s before a muted decline in the early 2000s, income inequality has probably grown, and life expectancy has declined. The proximate causes are clear: persistent unemployment and low demand for unskilled labour, strong demand for skilled labour, an unequal education system, and a social safety net that is unusually widespread but nonetheless has large holes. It is also clear that economic growth alone will not reduce poverty or inequality. Pro-poor social policies are important, but not as important as a pro-poor economic growth path. Unfortunately, there is little sign of the political conditions changing to push the state towards the promotion of a more pro-poor pattern of economic growth. There is some chance of parametric reforms of the welfare state. Overall, however, it is likely that, after another ten years of democracy, unemployment and poverty rates will remain high, despite significant redistribution through cash transfers, and incomes will continue to be distributed extremely unequally.
In this comparative study we employed a quantitative approach, underpinned by the interpretivist paradigm, to analyse the content on Russia as found in Apartheid and post-Apartheid History textbooks. This was done by means of qualitative content analysis. The focus of the analysis was exclusively on the historical content or substantive knowledge as it related to Russia. What emerged was that the political eras Russia was studied under remained remarkably similar across the Apartheid and post-Apartheid eras. However, clear discernible similarities and differences were otherwise detectable. While big men dominated the content of both eras the approach adopted by the post-Apartheid era History textbooks towards them were generally more critical. While a fear of Communism was imbedded in the Apartheid era History textbooks, the opposite can be said of the post-Apartheid era textbooks. What this points to is that during both political eras the content on Russia was adapted to suit the prevailing identity politics, national narratives and ideology of the time – closed and insular under Apartheid and open and critical in the post-Apartheid era. ; http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2223-0386/2018/n18a4
Die südafrikanische Apartheid ist zum Bestandteil des »kollektiven Gedächtnisses« nationaler und transnationaler Erinnerungskulturen geworden. Dies betrifft nicht allein die Ereignisse in Südafrika selbst, sondern auch die weltweiten Diskussionen über den Umgang mit der Apartheid, die in den Vereinten Nationen und anderen internationalen Organisationen ebenso wie in einzelnen Ländern geführt wurden. Die seit den 1960er-Jahren zunehmende weltweite Ächtung der Apartheid als rassistisches Regime hing zusammen mit einem Anwachsen von Anti-Apartheid-Bewegungen in zahlreichen Ländern und neuen Legitimationen westlicher Außenpolitiken. Von den sowjetisch kontrollierten, aber auch skandinavischen Ländern wurden die Befreiungsbewegungen – vor allem der African National Congress (ANC) – materiell unterstützt. Die Auseinandersetzungen über Apartheid und den Umgang mit einem Land, in dem Menschenrechtsverletzungen gesetzlich abgesichert waren, trugen in einem erheblichen Maße zur Etablierung der Menschenrechte als international verbindlicher Norm bei. Das Thema Apartheid bietet die Möglichkeit, transnationale Verflechtungen und gesellschaftliche Wahrnehmungen vertiefend auszuloten sowie die Bedeutung der 1970er- und 1980er-Jahre für die Ausbildung einer »reflexiven Moderne« zu erkunden.
The National Party came into power in 1948 with an election promise to safeguard the political, economic and social interests of minority whites In South Africa. Racial segregation was their major strategy for ensuring the supremacy of white racial group in the country. By the mid-1950s, major pieces of legislation which formed the pillars of apartheid such as the Immorality Act, Population Registration Act, Reservation of Separate Amenities Act and Black Education Act, were firmly in place. Apartheid policies were implemented with zeal by the minority white government to the social and economic detriment of the blacks who constitute the majority In South Africa. The dream of Institutionalized racial segregation met with Intensive Internal resistance and International pressures, and in 1991, the ruling National Party formally renounced apartheid and declared a commitment to the creation of non-raclal democracy In South Africa. By the end of the 1940s, distinct demographic regimes existed In South Africa with potentials for maximum exposure to alternative trends. The aim of this paper is to show briefly how these different regimes reacted to the realities of the Implementation of apartheid with particular reference to mortality, fertility and reproductive behavior, and population activities.
In the generation after World War 2 (1945-69), homosexual intimacy was a serious crime in Colorado and other states, as was any kind of "lewdness" or homosexual solicitation; people suspected of being homosexual were routinely dismissed from federal, state, and private employment.' In the generation after Stonewall (1969-97), Colorado's legislature repealed the state's consensual sodomy law, and the governor by executive order prohibited state employment discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. The cities of Aspen, Boulder, and Denver enacted ordinances prohibiting private sexual orientation discrimination in housing, employment, education, public accommodations, and health and welfare services. In 1992, the voters of Colorado adopted the following amendment to the state constitution: No Protected Status Based on Homosexual, Lesbian, or Bisexual Orientation. Neither the State of Colorado, through any of its branches or departments, nor any of its agencies, political subdivisions, municipalities or school districts, shall enact, adopt or enforce any statute, regulation, ordinance or policy whereby homosexual, lesbian or bisexual orientation, conduct, practices or relationships shall constitute or otherwise be the basis of or entitle any person or class of persons to have or claim any minority status, quota preferences, protected status or claim of discrimination. The United States Supreme Court struck down Amendment in Romer v. Evans based on its conflict with the Equal Protection Clause. Writing for himself and two other justices, Justice Scalia dissented, starting with the premise that "[t]he Court has mistaken a Kulturkampf for a fit of spite," and arguing at length that the Court's opinion was inconsistent with both precedent and the ordinary operation of the democratic process. Justice Scalia was using the term "Kulturkampf' out of context. Kulturkampf, a German word for "culture war" or "struggle," was a nineteenth century campaign by Bismarck's German Empire to domesticate the Roman Catholic ...
Representation, Creativity and Commercialism in the Post-Apartheid Film Industry Since the advent of democracy in 1994, South Africa has been in the process of redefining itself as a nation. The newly elected government recognised the potential role of cinema in democratic transformation and economic empowerment and established a number of strategic interventions and government bodies to foster the growth of the local industry. Similar to other forms of cultural production, cinema is informed by the national Constitution of 1996, which celebrates multiculturalism, freedom of expression, and transformation. However, it is questionable whether this vision is compatible with the state's ambition to build an internationally competitive, and commercially successful film industry. This paper provides a critical analysis of the economic and ideological workings of the post-apartheid feature film industry. The focus is on international co-productions, which have been encouraged by the state since such arrangements are seen to.
South Africa's democratic settlement is generally viewed as a particularly successful transition from authoritarian government. The settlement in 1994 did bring political violence to an end and it established new institutions which have now been in place for nearly two decades. This success was partly the outcome of fortuitous conditions – of good luck, even. But it was also the product of the skills, capacities and predispositions that the main parties in the settlement brought to the negotiations. This paper will explore the developments and processes that helped South African peacemaking. Subsequently it will address political progress since the transition. ; N/A