Suchergebnisse

With the beginning of the Arab Spring new opportunities for research on democratization emerged. One of the elements that could be examined is the external factors of democratization. The aspect of external factors is analyzed in the article with the focus on the French policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt because these countries experienced the biggest changes in comparison with other countries of the Arab Spring. The article analyzes the rhetoric and actions of France aimed at Tunisia, Libya and Egypt during the Arab Spring. In the article it is argued that French policy towards the analysed states is a combination of pragmatism and idealism. This coexistence leads to emergence of double standards in foreign policy with short-term interests taking priority, but the long-term aspirations are not denied, especially what concerns rhetoric of France. The article argues that synthesis of the classical realism, the neo-liberalism and democratic peace theories can provide explanation for double standards and inconsistency in the French foreign policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt during the Arab Spring. The article ends with evaluation of successes and failures of the French foreign policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt in context of the Arab Spring.

With the beginning of the Arab Spring new opportunities for research on democratization emerged. One of the elements that could be examined is the external factors of democratization. The aspect of external factors is analyzed in the article with the focus on the French policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt because these countries experienced the biggest changes in comparison with other countries of the Arab Spring. The article analyzes the rhetoric and actions of France aimed at Tunisia, Libya and Egypt during the Arab Spring. In the article it is argued that French policy towards the analysed states is a combination of pragmatism and idealism. This coexistence leads to emergence of double standards in foreign policy with short-term interests taking priority, but the long-term aspirations are not denied, especially what concerns rhetoric of France. The article argues that synthesis of the classical realism, the neo-liberalism and democratic peace theories can provide explanation for double standards and inconsistency in the French foreign policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt during the Arab Spring. The article ends with evaluation of successes and failures of the French foreign policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt in context of the Arab Spring.

With the beginning of the Arab Spring new opportunities for research on democratization emerged. One of the elements that could be examined is the external factors of democratization. The aspect of external factors is analyzed in the article with the focus on the French policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt because these countries experienced the biggest changes in comparison with other countries of the Arab Spring. The article analyzes the rhetoric and actions of France aimed at Tunisia, Libya and Egypt during the Arab Spring. In the article it is argued that French policy towards the analysed states is a combination of pragmatism and idealism. This coexistence leads to emergence of double standards in foreign policy with short-term interests taking priority, but the long-term aspirations are not denied, especially what concerns rhetoric of France. The article argues that synthesis of the classical realism, the neo-liberalism and democratic peace theories can provide explanation for double standards and inconsistency in the French foreign policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt during the Arab Spring. The article ends with evaluation of successes and failures of the French foreign policy towards Tunisia, Libya and Egypt in context of the Arab Spring.

Egypt is one of the most important Middle East countries for the USA in a strategic sense. This article deals with the USA-Egypt relations and the USA democracy promotion in Egypt during the Arab Spring (2011) with an emphasis on interaction of pragmatic interests and idealistic aspirations. The aim is to reveal the influence of the USA on ongoing change of Egypt's regime. Revolution in Egypt gives the USA a reason for concern because their interests could be no more guaranteed because of the instability in Egypt, which may be very harmful to bilateral relations of the United States and Egypt. The main interest of the USA is the stability of Egypt. The USA is also interested in the Middle East conflict settlement, cooperation in counter-terrorism and counter-proliferation, projects of infrastructure, secure military and commercial transport transit through the Suez Canal, continuous transit of oil and gas. With reference to the democratic peace theory, establishment of democracy in Egypt can be considered a long-term interest of the United States, but the promotion of democracy has been often overshadowed by short-term and medium-term interests. In the beginning of the Arab Spring in Egypt, the USA relied on the moderate rhetoric rather than concrete actions. The USA still strongly supports the Egyptian army, which should ensure the governance of the state in the period of transition to democratic governance. B. Obama has been highly criticized for cutting funding for. [to full text]

Egypt is one of the most important Middle East countries for the USA in a strategic sense. This article deals with the USA-Egypt relations and the USA democracy promotion in Egypt during the Arab Spring (2011) with an emphasis on interaction of pragmatic interests and idealistic aspirations. The aim is to reveal the influence of the USA on ongoing change of Egypt's regime. Revolution in Egypt gives the USA a reason for concern because their interests could be no more guaranteed because of the instability in Egypt, which may be very harmful to bilateral relations of the United States and Egypt. The main interest of the USA is the stability of Egypt. The USA is also interested in the Middle East conflict settlement, cooperation in counter-terrorism and counter-proliferation, projects of infrastructure, secure military and commercial transport transit through the Suez Canal, continuous transit of oil and gas. With reference to the democratic peace theory, establishment of democracy in Egypt can be considered a long-term interest of the United States, but the promotion of democracy has been often overshadowed by short-term and medium-term interests. In the beginning of the Arab Spring in Egypt, the USA relied on the moderate rhetoric rather than concrete actions. The USA still strongly supports the Egyptian army, which should ensure the governance of the state in the period of transition to democratic governance. B. Obama has been highly criticized for cutting funding for. [to full text]

Egypt is one of the most important Middle East countries for the USA in a strategic sense. This article deals with the USA-Egypt relations and the USA democracy promotion in Egypt during the Arab Spring (2011) with an emphasis on interaction of pragmatic interests and idealistic aspirations. The aim is to reveal the influence of the USA on ongoing change of Egypt's regime. Revolution in Egypt gives the USA a reason for concern because their interests could be no more guaranteed because of the instability in Egypt, which may be very harmful to bilateral relations of the United States and Egypt. The main interest of the USA is the stability of Egypt. The USA is also interested in the Middle East conflict settlement, cooperation in counter-terrorism and counter-proliferation, projects of infrastructure, secure military and commercial transport transit through the Suez Canal, continuous transit of oil and gas. With reference to the democratic peace theory, establishment of democracy in Egypt can be considered a long-term interest of the United States, but the promotion of democracy has been often overshadowed by short-term and medium-term interests. In the beginning of the Arab Spring in Egypt, the USA relied on the moderate rhetoric rather than concrete actions. The USA still strongly supports the Egyptian army, which should ensure the governance of the state in the period of transition to democratic governance. B. Obama has been highly criticized for cutting funding for. [to full text]

After the end of the Cold war the unipolar international system was established and during recent decade it was transformated from strickt unipolarity (1990-2000) to modified unipolarity (2001-2010). Exceptional and multidimensional power with the global reach of the USA was the reason for naming structure of international system as strict unipolar till terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the USA. After September 11th the USA started to act less unilaterally than before temporary changing the unilateralism to multilateralism for collective actions against terrorism in Afghanistan. The multilateral response to September 11th terrorist attacks became the first stage of transformation of strict unipolarity based on Article 5 of Washington Treaty. Years of 2001-2003 could be named as the beginning of modified unipolarity: sole superpower acted multilaterally in war against terrorism and at the same time it promoted the enlargement of its influence with NATO enlargement to the post soviet area. Formation of transformed unipolar structure allows speaking about the necessity of defining a new type of unipolarity – modified unipolarity which is theoretically balancing on the dividing lines of unipolarity, multipolarity and nonpolarity concepts. This article consists of broad definition of modified unipolarity, theoretical analysis of polarity and its transformation, also, some preliminary conclusions and insights are made concerning possible transformation of modified unipolarity in the foreseen future.

After the end of the Cold war the unipolar international system was established and during recent decade it was transformated from strickt unipolarity (1990-2000) to modified unipolarity (2001-2010). Exceptional and multidimensional power with the global reach of the USA was the reason for naming structure of international system as strict unipolar till terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the USA. After September 11th the USA started to act less unilaterally than before temporary changing the unilateralism to multilateralism for collective actions against terrorism in Afghanistan. The multilateral response to September 11th terrorist attacks became the first stage of transformation of strict unipolarity based on Article 5 of Washington Treaty. Years of 2001-2003 could be named as the beginning of modified unipolarity: sole superpower acted multilaterally in war against terrorism and at the same time it promoted the enlargement of its influence with NATO enlargement to the post soviet area. Formation of transformed unipolar structure allows speaking about the necessity of defining a new type of unipolarity – modified unipolarity which is theoretically balancing on the dividing lines of unipolarity, multipolarity and nonpolarity concepts. This article consists of broad definition of modified unipolarity, theoretical analysis of polarity and its transformation, also, some preliminary conclusions and insights are made concerning possible transformation of modified unipolarity in the foreseen future.

This master's final paper formulates the problems of optimization of Lithuania's Notary activity. Based on scientific literature and other sources, factors, which influenced the changes of Lithuania Notary in 1990 – 2010, were analyzed, and reveal, which decisions negatively or positively have affected the performance of the institution. There are four hypotheses raised in the master's final paper. According to a study carried out, the first hypothesis says that when Lithuania's Notary has changed to the Latin type, the quality of services has improved and the trust of the employees has increased. This hypothesis was only confirmed partially. The second hypothesis which says that after Lithuania became a member of the European Union, the notary of Latin was able to integrate into the European legal network, which meant stronger professional cooperation, was confirmed. The third hypothesis, which says that electronic systems are necessary for successful optimization of Notary activity, was confirmed. The fourth hypothesis, which says that customers of Notary service assess the optimization according to the quality of service and their pricing, was confirmed.

This master's final paper formulates the problems of optimization of Lithuania's Notary activity. Based on scientific literature and other sources, factors, which influenced the changes of Lithuania Notary in 1990 – 2010, were analyzed, and reveal, which decisions negatively or positively have affected the performance of the institution. There are four hypotheses raised in the master's final paper. According to a study carried out, the first hypothesis says that when Lithuania's Notary has changed to the Latin type, the quality of services has improved and the trust of the employees has increased. This hypothesis was only confirmed partially. The second hypothesis which says that after Lithuania became a member of the European Union, the notary of Latin was able to integrate into the European legal network, which meant stronger professional cooperation, was confirmed. The third hypothesis, which says that electronic systems are necessary for successful optimization of Notary activity, was confirmed. The fourth hypothesis, which says that customers of Notary service assess the optimization according to the quality of service and their pricing, was confirmed.

The article reveals important aspects of current situation of local government and its development over 20 years (from 1990 to 2010): development and changes of the administrative division over past 20 years, the importance and place of the local government in the system of public government, as well as nature of relations between local government and state authorities over past 10 years. The article also deals with local government legal regulation and its changes over past 20 years and reveals the definition of local self-government and its basic changes. From 2000 there are functioning just 60 municipalities (lower administrative unit of the territory of the State with the guaranteed right to self-government) in Lithuania and in the 2/3 of them lives from 10 to 50 thousands of citizens. This situation is estimated positively in terms of financial capacity but it reduces the capacity of local democracy as well. Despite all the efforts, the reform of administrative division is not completed and the aims of the first and the second stages of the reform are not reached. [.] ; Šiame straipsnyje, kurį sudaro dvi dalys, apibūdinami svarbiausi dabartiniu metu Lietuvoje egzistuočios vietos savivaldos sistemos ir jos raidos per dvidešimt metų (1990–2010 m.) aspektai. Pirmoje dalyje rašoma apie vietos savivaldos teritorinį organizavimo pagrindą –valstybės teritorijos administracinių vienetų sistemą bei jos pertvarką, apibūdinama vietos savivaldos teisinė aplinka, jos formavimas (-is) ir reikšmė, kuriant demokratinę savivaldą Lietuvoje, parodoma vietos savivaldybės ir vietos savivaldos sąvokų apibrėžimų kaita.

While 1970s were marked by creation of intermediary (regional) levels of government in Western Europe the wave of administrative reforms reached Eastern Europe in the end of 1980s and beginning of 1990s. Lithuania was not an exception. From 1994 until July, 2010 the public administration system was deconcentrated to County Governors' Administrations and decentralized to local governments in Lithuania. As it was declared in political and legal documents, the reform of County Governors' Administrations abolishment was aimed to improve public administration and decentralize public governance system in Lithuania, but its results were quite controversial. The main aim of this paper is to analyze the reform conducted in Lithuania in 2010s. The main sources of information are semi-structured expert interviews and secondary data.

While 1970s were marked by creation of intermediary (regional) levels of government in Western Europe the wave of administrative reforms reached Eastern Europe in the end of 1980s and beginning of 1990s. Lithuania was not an exception. From 1994 until July, 2010 the public administration system was deconcentrated to County Governors' Administrations and decentralized to local governments in Lithuania. As it was declared in political and legal documents, the reform of County Governors' Administrations abolishment was aimed to improve public administration and decentralize public governance system in Lithuania, but its results were quite controversial. The main aim of this paper is to analyze the reform conducted in Lithuania in 2010s. The main sources of information are semi-structured expert interviews and secondary data.