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Many conflicts in the 21st century are perceived as intractable: long-lasting, brutal, irreconcilable, of a zero-sum nature. One of these conflicts – over a century long Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This conflict is a struggle between two nations claiming their rights to the same territory which they both consider to be their homeland. This struggle is usually perceived as a zero-sum conflict over the territory but one of the main propositions of this research is that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict for many years was perceived as a zero-sum struggle over national identity as well. For over four decades many Jews and Palestinians believed that one nation can implement its national aspirations only at the expense of the other nation. This belief was the principal impediment for the conflict to break-through. This mutual belief also resulted in neglecting any possibility to recognize the other nation's legitimacy and therefore – permanent confrontation and conflict escalation. This paper seeks to take a different approach to the analysis of conflict. One fundamental statement of this research is that many academics limit their analysis of Israeli-Palestinian struggle to mechanistic and deterministic explanations this way failing to explain some crucial factors having tremendous impact on the course of the conflict. This research paper emphasizes the role of national identity in conflict resolution and claims that the condition for peace between these two nations was never only about Israel's retreat from the occupied territories. The premise of this paper is that there is a direct connection between national identity and state's foreign policy decisions. The paper is based on the constructivist approach of international relations which emphasizes constitutive nature of social reality: the lived life and knowledge about it are socially constructed. But the research was also very much influenced by Michael Barnett's theoretical "hybrid" – conditional combination of constructivism and institutionalism. This theoretical approach emphasizes that constructivist theories fail to incorporate a core insight of institutionalism – actors strategize in an institutional setting – and therefore is not able to address foreign policy change. On the other hand institutionalism fails to incorporate a core insight of constructivism – actors are embedded in a normative structure – and therefore is unable to explain what creates and constitutes legitimate action. The aim of this paper is after determining how and when national identity influences state's foreign policy decisions to analyze Israel's national identity's influence on the course of Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This conflict is analyzed from its beginning at the end of the 19th century seeking to reveal what caused changes in Israel's foreign policy decisions. But the focus of analysis is Israel's national identity in the years 2000–2007. The goal of this analysis is to determine what influence this identity had on the renewed peace talks with Palestinians in 2007.

Many conflicts in the 21st century are perceived as intractable: long-lasting, brutal, irreconcilable, of a zero-sum nature. One of these conflicts – over a century long Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This conflict is a struggle between two nations claiming their rights to the same territory which they both consider to be their homeland. This struggle is usually perceived as a zero-sum conflict over the territory but one of the main propositions of this research is that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict for many years was perceived as a zero-sum struggle over national identity as well. For over four decades many Jews and Palestinians believed that one nation can implement its national aspirations only at the expense of the other nation. This belief was the principal impediment for the conflict to break-through. This mutual belief also resulted in neglecting any possibility to recognize the other nation's legitimacy and therefore – permanent confrontation and conflict escalation. This paper seeks to take a different approach to the analysis of conflict. One fundamental statement of this research is that many academics limit their analysis of Israeli-Palestinian struggle to mechanistic and deterministic explanations this way failing to explain some crucial factors having tremendous impact on the course of the conflict. This research paper emphasizes the role of national identity in conflict resolution and claims that the condition for peace between these two nations was never only about Israel's retreat from the occupied territories. The premise of this paper is that there is a direct connection between national identity and state's foreign policy decisions. The paper is based on the constructivist approach of international relations which emphasizes constitutive nature of social reality: the lived life and knowledge about it are socially constructed. But the research was also very much influenced by Michael Barnett's theoretical "hybrid" – conditional combination of constructivism and institutionalism. This theoretical approach emphasizes that constructivist theories fail to incorporate a core insight of institutionalism – actors strategize in an institutional setting – and therefore is not able to address foreign policy change. On the other hand institutionalism fails to incorporate a core insight of constructivism – actors are embedded in a normative structure – and therefore is unable to explain what creates and constitutes legitimate action. The aim of this paper is after determining how and when national identity influences state's foreign policy decisions to analyze Israel's national identity's influence on the course of Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This conflict is analyzed from its beginning at the end of the 19th century seeking to reveal what caused changes in Israel's foreign policy decisions. But the focus of analysis is Israel's national identity in the years 2000–2007. The goal of this analysis is to determine what influence this identity had on the renewed peace talks with Palestinians in 2007.

Protrected Conflicts: a Case of Syria The paper contains analysis of the phenomenon of protracted conflict. Usually, these kinds of conflicts get a lot of international attention, and thus it is necessary to understand what factors affect the duration of the conflict. This work is a case study of the civil war in Syria. The analysis uses databases and the method of qualitative data analysis. Theoretical background comes from Edvar Azar who says that there are four main reasons for the conflict to be protracted: the existence of identity groups, social inequality, government's inability to fulfil basic human needs, and international relations. The assumption is made that despite the first three factors, the involvement of third parties into the conflict has the principal impact on the conflict duration. The analysis of the war in Syria is herein presented by describing the most important events, breaking points, and the course of the conflict. In addition, main domestic and external actors as well as their goals are analyzed. Few assumptions were examined in this work with reference to E. Azar. Though all of the first three factors mentioned before can be found in the conflict, the findings suggest that these factors identify the reasons why the Arab Spring in Syria was followed by the civil war afterwards more than why the conflict itself is protracted. The main hypothesis, that the duration of the conflict is mostly affected by the involvement of third parties is confirmed. The analysis shows that external actors have a big influence on the conflict by providing support to either of the conflicting sides and thus blocking the possibility for one conflicting party to win. The paper analyses the impact of the U.S., Russia, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Hezbollah, and ISIS by providing the reasons that have made them to join the conflict, as well as presenting the main goals and the measures they took in the conflict. By comparing the goals of these actors in the conflict, it became clear that it is impossible to find the solution that would be acceptable for all of the conflicting parties and their allies. Different actors support different sides of the conflict though the fact that all these parties has different goals and such goals are incompatible makes it even more chaotic. That is why the actors get involved in 'zero sum' game, when the benefit of one side is seen as the damage for the other. Based on the collected information it becomes clear that external actors influence the duration of the conflict by providing their support for different domestic actors.

Protrected Conflicts: a Case of Syria The paper contains analysis of the phenomenon of protracted conflict. Usually, these kinds of conflicts get a lot of international attention, and thus it is necessary to understand what factors affect the duration of the conflict. This work is a case study of the civil war in Syria. The analysis uses databases and the method of qualitative data analysis. Theoretical background comes from Edvar Azar who says that there are four main reasons for the conflict to be protracted: the existence of identity groups, social inequality, government's inability to fulfil basic human needs, and international relations. The assumption is made that despite the first three factors, the involvement of third parties into the conflict has the principal impact on the conflict duration. The analysis of the war in Syria is herein presented by describing the most important events, breaking points, and the course of the conflict. In addition, main domestic and external actors as well as their goals are analyzed. Few assumptions were examined in this work with reference to E. Azar. Though all of the first three factors mentioned before can be found in the conflict, the findings suggest that these factors identify the reasons why the Arab Spring in Syria was followed by the civil war afterwards more than why the conflict itself is protracted. The main hypothesis, that the duration of the conflict is mostly affected by the involvement of third parties is confirmed. The analysis shows that external actors have a big influence on the conflict by providing support to either of the conflicting sides and thus blocking the possibility for one conflicting party to win. The paper analyses the impact of the U.S., Russia, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Hezbollah, and ISIS by providing the reasons that have made them to join the conflict, as well as presenting the main goals and the measures they took in the conflict. By comparing the goals of these actors in the conflict, it became clear that it is impossible to find the solution that would be acceptable for all of the conflicting parties and their allies. Different actors support different sides of the conflict though the fact that all these parties has different goals and such goals are incompatible makes it even more chaotic. That is why the actors get involved in 'zero sum' game, when the benefit of one side is seen as the damage for the other. Based on the collected information it becomes clear that external actors influence the duration of the conflict by providing their support for different domestic actors.

Protrected Conflicts: a Case of Syria The paper contains analysis of the phenomenon of protracted conflict. Usually, these kinds of conflicts get a lot of international attention, and thus it is necessary to understand what factors affect the duration of the conflict. This work is a case study of the civil war in Syria. The analysis uses databases and the method of qualitative data analysis. Theoretical background comes from Edvar Azar who says that there are four main reasons for the conflict to be protracted: the existence of identity groups, social inequality, government's inability to fulfil basic human needs, and international relations. The assumption is made that despite the first three factors, the involvement of third parties into the conflict has the principal impact on the conflict duration. The analysis of the war in Syria is herein presented by describing the most important events, breaking points, and the course of the conflict. In addition, main domestic and external actors as well as their goals are analyzed. Few assumptions were examined in this work with reference to E. Azar. Though all of the first three factors mentioned before can be found in the conflict, the findings suggest that these factors identify the reasons why the Arab Spring in Syria was followed by the civil war afterwards more than why the conflict itself is protracted. The main hypothesis, that the duration of the conflict is mostly affected by the involvement of third parties is confirmed. The analysis shows that external actors have a big influence on the conflict by providing support to either of the conflicting sides and thus blocking the possibility for one conflicting party to win. The paper analyses the impact of the U.S., Russia, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Hezbollah, and ISIS by providing the reasons that have made them to join the conflict, as well as presenting the main goals and the measures they took in the conflict. By comparing the goals of these actors in the conflict, it became clear that it is impossible to find the solution that would be acceptable for all of the conflicting parties and their allies. Different actors support different sides of the conflict though the fact that all these parties has different goals and such goals are incompatible makes it even more chaotic. That is why the actors get involved in 'zero sum' game, when the benefit of one side is seen as the damage for the other. Based on the collected information it becomes clear that external actors influence the duration of the conflict by providing their support for different domestic actors.

Protrected Conflicts: a Case of Syria The paper contains analysis of the phenomenon of protracted conflict. Usually, these kinds of conflicts get a lot of international attention, and thus it is necessary to understand what factors affect the duration of the conflict. This work is a case study of the civil war in Syria. The analysis uses databases and the method of qualitative data analysis. Theoretical background comes from Edvar Azar who says that there are four main reasons for the conflict to be protracted: the existence of identity groups, social inequality, government's inability to fulfil basic human needs, and international relations. The assumption is made that despite the first three factors, the involvement of third parties into the conflict has the principal impact on the conflict duration. The analysis of the war in Syria is herein presented by describing the most important events, breaking points, and the course of the conflict. In addition, main domestic and external actors as well as their goals are analyzed. Few assumptions were examined in this work with reference to E. Azar. Though all of the first three factors mentioned before can be found in the conflict, the findings suggest that these factors identify the reasons why the Arab Spring in Syria was followed by the civil war afterwards more than why the conflict itself is protracted. The main hypothesis, that the duration of the conflict is mostly affected by the involvement of third parties is confirmed. The analysis shows that external actors have a big influence on the conflict by providing support to either of the conflicting sides and thus blocking the possibility for one conflicting party to win. The paper analyses the impact of the U.S., Russia, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Hezbollah, and ISIS by providing the reasons that have made them to join the conflict, as well as presenting the main goals and the measures they took in the conflict. By comparing the goals of these actors in the conflict, it became clear that it is impossible to find the solution that would be acceptable for all of the conflicting parties and their allies. Different actors support different sides of the conflict though the fact that all these parties has different goals and such goals are incompatible makes it even more chaotic. That is why the actors get involved in 'zero sum' game, when the benefit of one side is seen as the damage for the other. Based on the collected information it becomes clear that external actors influence the duration of the conflict by providing their support for different domestic actors.

The article analyses the media portrayal of publicly named "refugee or migration crisis", after a Syrian migration through the Mediterranean Sea to European countries seeking asylum due to a military conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic. The article presents research data on refugee discourse of the most popular Lithuanian Internet news portals in the period of March 2015–February 2017. The article aims to discuss the parallels between Lithuanian and Western European media depiction of refugees and the "refugee crisis". The article analyzes main topics and their changes in time, as well as identifies the threats constructed in the media, which are related to asylum of refugees and their integration in host countries. In addition, the article discusses the possible influence of such depiction on public attitudes.

The article analyses the media portrayal of publicly named "refugee or migration crisis", after a Syrian migration through the Mediterranean Sea to European countries seeking asylum due to a military conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic. The article presents research data on refugee discourse of the most popular Lithuanian Internet news portals in the period of March 2015–February 2017. The article aims to discuss the parallels between Lithuanian and Western European media depiction of refugees and the "refugee crisis". The article analyzes main topics and their changes in time, as well as identifies the threats constructed in the media, which are related to asylum of refugees and their integration in host countries. In addition, the article discusses the possible influence of such depiction on public attitudes.

The article analyses the media portrayal of publicly named "refugee or migration crisis", after a Syrian migration through the Mediterranean Sea to European countries seeking asylum due to a military conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic. The article presents research data on refugee discourse of the most popular Lithuanian Internet news portals in the period of March 2015–February 2017. The article aims to discuss the parallels between Lithuanian and Western European media depiction of refugees and the "refugee crisis". The article analyzes main topics and their changes in time, as well as identifies the threats constructed in the media, which are related to asylum of refugees and their integration in host countries. In addition, the article discusses the possible influence of such depiction on public attitudes.

The article analyses the media portrayal of publicly named "refugee or migration crisis", after a Syrian migration through the Mediterranean Sea to European countries seeking asylum due to a military conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic. The article presents research data on refugee discourse of the most popular Lithuanian Internet news portals in the period of March 2015–February 2017. The article aims to discuss the parallels between Lithuanian and Western European media depiction of refugees and the "refugee crisis". The article analyzes main topics and their changes in time, as well as identifies the threats constructed in the media, which are related to asylum of refugees and their integration in host countries. In addition, the article discusses the possible influence of such depiction on public attitudes.

The thesis explores the postcolonial failures in the Middle East through a case study of Syria. Syria like the whole Middle East as we know it nowadays is a state and region of imagination drafted by the colonial Europe after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Author defines the concept of postcolonial state of Syria and argues that after the Arab upheaval, Syria as a postcolonial state does not exist anymore. Since the "Arab Spring" Syria got dragged into an ongoing civil war and the Assad regime has refused to go down peacefully. The conflict broke out in 2011 hence the developments in Syria through 2011-2015 are the key interest for the study, however in their analysis author has to take into account the historical context and certain vital developments in Syrian history. Currently, Syrian government is unable to deliver the basic services to its population and thus has been regarded as a failed state. Author analyzes the concept of the failed state, its application in Syrian case and attempts to understand what factors led to the failure of the postcolonial state of Syria. The study builds on an argument that postcolonial state of Syria has failed due to the foundational problems and the failure of the national identity, accompanied with the involvement of external actors, which are further prolonging the conflict. Author tries to examine to what extent have those actors promoted or undermined the failure of the postcolonial state of Syria and further sectarianization of the country. Theories of National identity failure and Constructivism are used as a theoretical framework to guide the whole research; with the former providing the explanation of the failure of the Syrian state and the latter addressing the logic behind the involvement of external actors and assists in generalizing the pattern detected in Syria over the whole Middle East, examining whether postcolonial Middle East has ended in light of Syrian case and given way to the emergence of New Middle East.

The thesis explores the postcolonial failures in the Middle East through a case study of Syria. Syria like the whole Middle East as we know it nowadays is a state and region of imagination drafted by the colonial Europe after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Author defines the concept of postcolonial state of Syria and argues that after the Arab upheaval, Syria as a postcolonial state does not exist anymore. Since the "Arab Spring" Syria got dragged into an ongoing civil war and the Assad regime has refused to go down peacefully. The conflict broke out in 2011 hence the developments in Syria through 2011-2015 are the key interest for the study, however in their analysis author has to take into account the historical context and certain vital developments in Syrian history. Currently, Syrian government is unable to deliver the basic services to its population and thus has been regarded as a failed state. Author analyzes the concept of the failed state, its application in Syrian case and attempts to understand what factors led to the failure of the postcolonial state of Syria. The study builds on an argument that postcolonial state of Syria has failed due to the foundational problems and the failure of the national identity, accompanied with the involvement of external actors, which are further prolonging the conflict. Author tries to examine to what extent have those actors promoted or undermined the failure of the postcolonial state of Syria and further sectarianization of the country. Theories of National identity failure and Constructivism are used as a theoretical framework to guide the whole research; with the former providing the explanation of the failure of the Syrian state and the latter addressing the logic behind the involvement of external actors and assists in generalizing the pattern detected in Syria over the whole Middle East, examining whether postcolonial Middle East has ended in light of Syrian case and given way to the emergence of New Middle East.

The thesis explores the postcolonial failures in the Middle East through a case study of Syria. Syria like the whole Middle East as we know it nowadays is a state and region of imagination drafted by the colonial Europe after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Author defines the concept of postcolonial state of Syria and argues that after the Arab upheaval, Syria as a postcolonial state does not exist anymore. Since the "Arab Spring" Syria got dragged into an ongoing civil war and the Assad regime has refused to go down peacefully. The conflict broke out in 2011 hence the developments in Syria through 2011-2015 are the key interest for the study, however in their analysis author has to take into account the historical context and certain vital developments in Syrian history. Currently, Syrian government is unable to deliver the basic services to its population and thus has been regarded as a failed state. Author analyzes the concept of the failed state, its application in Syrian case and attempts to understand what factors led to the failure of the postcolonial state of Syria. The study builds on an argument that postcolonial state of Syria has failed due to the foundational problems and the failure of the national identity, accompanied with the involvement of external actors, which are further prolonging the conflict. Author tries to examine to what extent have those actors promoted or undermined the failure of the postcolonial state of Syria and further sectarianization of the country. Theories of National identity failure and Constructivism are used as a theoretical framework to guide the whole research; with the former providing the explanation of the failure of the Syrian state and the latter addressing the logic behind the involvement of external actors and assists in generalizing the pattern detected in Syria over the whole Middle East, examining whether postcolonial Middle East has ended in light of Syrian case and given way to the emergence of New Middle East.

Egypt is one of the most important Middle East countries for the USA in a strategic sense. This article deals with the USA-Egypt relations and the USA democracy promotion in Egypt during the Arab Spring (2011) with an emphasis on interaction of pragmatic interests and idealistic aspirations. The aim is to reveal the influence of the USA on ongoing change of Egypt's regime. Revolution in Egypt gives the USA a reason for concern because their interests could be no more guaranteed because of the instability in Egypt, which may be very harmful to bilateral relations of the United States and Egypt. The main interest of the USA is the stability of Egypt. The USA is also interested in the Middle East conflict settlement, cooperation in counter-terrorism and counter-proliferation, projects of infrastructure, secure military and commercial transport transit through the Suez Canal, continuous transit of oil and gas. With reference to the democratic peace theory, establishment of democracy in Egypt can be considered a long-term interest of the United States, but the promotion of democracy has been often overshadowed by short-term and medium-term interests. In the beginning of the Arab Spring in Egypt, the USA relied on the moderate rhetoric rather than concrete actions. The USA still strongly supports the Egyptian army, which should ensure the governance of the state in the period of transition to democratic governance. B. Obama has been highly criticized for cutting funding for. [to full text]

Egypt is one of the most important Middle East countries for the USA in a strategic sense. This article deals with the USA-Egypt relations and the USA democracy promotion in Egypt during the Arab Spring (2011) with an emphasis on interaction of pragmatic interests and idealistic aspirations. The aim is to reveal the influence of the USA on ongoing change of Egypt's regime. Revolution in Egypt gives the USA a reason for concern because their interests could be no more guaranteed because of the instability in Egypt, which may be very harmful to bilateral relations of the United States and Egypt. The main interest of the USA is the stability of Egypt. The USA is also interested in the Middle East conflict settlement, cooperation in counter-terrorism and counter-proliferation, projects of infrastructure, secure military and commercial transport transit through the Suez Canal, continuous transit of oil and gas. With reference to the democratic peace theory, establishment of democracy in Egypt can be considered a long-term interest of the United States, but the promotion of democracy has been often overshadowed by short-term and medium-term interests. In the beginning of the Arab Spring in Egypt, the USA relied on the moderate rhetoric rather than concrete actions. The USA still strongly supports the Egyptian army, which should ensure the governance of the state in the period of transition to democratic governance. B. Obama has been highly criticized for cutting funding for. [to full text]