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"How the conflict between political Islamists and secular nationalists has shaped the history of the modern Middle East In 2013, just two years after the popular overthrow of Hosni Mubarak, the Egyptian military ousted the country's first democratically elected president--Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood--and subsequently led a brutal repression of the Islamist group. These bloody events echoed an older political rift in Egypt and the Middle East: the splitting of nationalists and Islamists during the rule of Egyptian president and Arab nationalist leader Gamal Abdel Nasser. In Making the Arab World, Fawaz Gerges, one of the world's leading authorities on the Middle East, tells how the clash between pan-Arab nationalism and pan-Islamism has shaped the history of the region from the 1920s to the present. Gerges tells this story through an unprecedented dual biography of Nasser and another of the twentieth-century Arab world's most influential figures--Sayyid Qutb, a leading member of the Muslim Brotherhood and the father of many branches of radical political Islam. Their deeply intertwined lives embody and dramatize the divide between Arabism and Islamism. Yet, as Gerges shows, beyond the ideological and existential rhetoric, this is a struggle over the state, its role, and its power. Based on a decade of research, including in-depth interviews with many leading figures in the story, Making the Arab World is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand the roots of the turmoil engulfing the Middle East, from civil wars to the rise of Al-Qaeda and ISIS." (Publisher's description)

Founded on SMTs (Social Movement Theories), the current study aimed at analyzing the impact of Arab Spring uprisings on the geopolitical system of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. With an overview on the political and socioeconomic background of Arab Uprisings, the qualitative study focused on: a) determining the economic, political, and social consequences of the uprisings, especially aftermaths that have given rise to the notion of geopolitical instability in the region, and b) investigating the possible factors that will spread geopolitical instability across the MENA region. Given the comprehensiveness and magnitude, the case of the popular uprisings in the MENA region is assessed using qualitative analysis.The study indicates that, Arab Spring failed to bring optimistic changes, empowered political Islamism, spread religious radicalism, reduced state secularism, and led to the emergence of semi-theocratic regimes. It negatively affected public freedoms, minorities, rights of women, and democratization. The uprisings resulted in riots, civil wars, social militarization and neighborhood interference, empowered Iranian hegemony, anarchized petrodollar, created proxy wars, led to the revival of terrorist cells, and affected economies. The Arab Uprisings which sprung with dissatisfaction/deprivation among the masses against their respective regimes, and created conflicts across the MENA region channeled a mass movement on the basis of collective identities and informal networks. The study ultimately concluded that social movements have the potential to escalate to a full-fledged revolution if not tackled in an appropriate manner. This study proves that Arab Uprisings collectively and negatively impacted the political, social, security, interregional, economic, and financial systems of the MENA region.

http://www.teoros.uqam.ca/rech_numero.asp?a_id=802 ; International audience ; Syria is a true book of history from the first farmers of the Neolithic era to the conflict israélo-Arabic, the tourists can see a concentration of the history of humanity. Thank to the relative insulation in which the mode Ba' athist has maintained Syria for more than forty years Syria offering to the visitors a assured expatriation. The Western tourists go to Syria to make there cultural tourism contrary to the Arab tourists (Saoudi, Emirati.) who are satisfied to benefit from the luxury and the pleasures in a cheap and permissive country. The abundance of the Arab tourists explains the current orientation of the Syrian tourist policy which supports luxury hotels and massive constructions instead to safeguarding the landscape and to improve cultural inheritance. ; La Syrie est un véritable livre d'histoire à ciel ouvert : des premiers agriculteurs du Néolithique au conflit israélo-arabe, les touristes ont sous les yeux un concentré de l'histoire de l'humanité. Le relatif isolement dans lequel le régime Ba'athiste maintient la Syrie depuis plus de quarante ans la place en dehors du temps offrant ainsi aux visiteurs un dépaysement assuré. Les touristes occidentaux se rendent en Syrie pour y faire du tourisme culturel au contraire des touristes arabes (Saoudiens, Emiratis .) qui se contentent de profiter du luxe et des plaisirs dans un pays bon marché et permissif. L'abondance des touristes arabes explique l'orientation actuelle de la politique touristique syrienne qui favorise les hôtels de luxe et les constructions massives au détriment de la préservation du paysage et la mise en valeur du patrimoine culturel.

http://www.teoros.uqam.ca/rech_numero.asp?a_id=802 ; International audience ; Syria is a true book of history from the first farmers of the Neolithic era to the conflict israélo-Arabic, the tourists can see a concentration of the history of humanity. Thank to the relative insulation in which the mode Ba' athist has maintained Syria for more than forty years Syria offering to the visitors a assured expatriation. The Western tourists go to Syria to make there cultural tourism contrary to the Arab tourists (Saoudi, Emirati.) who are satisfied to benefit from the luxury and the pleasures in a cheap and permissive country. The abundance of the Arab tourists explains the current orientation of the Syrian tourist policy which supports luxury hotels and massive constructions instead to safeguarding the landscape and to improve cultural inheritance. ; La Syrie est un véritable livre d'histoire à ciel ouvert : des premiers agriculteurs du Néolithique au conflit israélo-arabe, les touristes ont sous les yeux un concentré de l'histoire de l'humanité. Le relatif isolement dans lequel le régime Ba'athiste maintient la Syrie depuis plus de quarante ans la place en dehors du temps offrant ainsi aux visiteurs un dépaysement assuré. Les touristes occidentaux se rendent en Syrie pour y faire du tourisme culturel au contraire des touristes arabes (Saoudiens, Emiratis .) qui se contentent de profiter du luxe et des plaisirs dans un pays bon marché et permissif. L'abondance des touristes arabes explique l'orientation actuelle de la politique touristique syrienne qui favorise les hôtels de luxe et les constructions massives au détriment de la préservation du paysage et la mise en valeur du patrimoine culturel.

http://www.teoros.uqam.ca/rech_numero.asp?a_id=802 ; International audience ; Syria is a true book of history from the first farmers of the Neolithic era to the conflict israélo-Arabic, the tourists can see a concentration of the history of humanity. Thank to the relative insulation in which the mode Ba' athist has maintained Syria for more than forty years Syria offering to the visitors a assured expatriation. The Western tourists go to Syria to make there cultural tourism contrary to the Arab tourists (Saoudi, Emirati.) who are satisfied to benefit from the luxury and the pleasures in a cheap and permissive country. The abundance of the Arab tourists explains the current orientation of the Syrian tourist policy which supports luxury hotels and massive constructions instead to safeguarding the landscape and to improve cultural inheritance. ; La Syrie est un véritable livre d'histoire à ciel ouvert : des premiers agriculteurs du Néolithique au conflit israélo-arabe, les touristes ont sous les yeux un concentré de l'histoire de l'humanité. Le relatif isolement dans lequel le régime Ba'athiste maintient la Syrie depuis plus de quarante ans la place en dehors du temps offrant ainsi aux visiteurs un dépaysement assuré. Les touristes occidentaux se rendent en Syrie pour y faire du tourisme culturel au contraire des touristes arabes (Saoudiens, Emiratis .) qui se contentent de profiter du luxe et des plaisirs dans un pays bon marché et permissif. L'abondance des touristes arabes explique l'orientation actuelle de la politique touristique syrienne qui favorise les hôtels de luxe et les constructions massives au détriment de la préservation du paysage et la mise en valeur du patrimoine culturel.

http://www.teoros.uqam.ca/rech_numero.asp?a_id=802 ; International audience ; Syria is a true book of history from the first farmers of the Neolithic era to the conflict israélo-Arabic, the tourists can see a concentration of the history of humanity. Thank to the relative insulation in which the mode Ba' athist has maintained Syria for more than forty years Syria offering to the visitors a assured expatriation. The Western tourists go to Syria to make there cultural tourism contrary to the Arab tourists (Saoudi, Emirati.) who are satisfied to benefit from the luxury and the pleasures in a cheap and permissive country. The abundance of the Arab tourists explains the current orientation of the Syrian tourist policy which supports luxury hotels and massive constructions instead to safeguarding the landscape and to improve cultural inheritance. ; La Syrie est un véritable livre d'histoire à ciel ouvert : des premiers agriculteurs du Néolithique au conflit israélo-arabe, les touristes ont sous les yeux un concentré de l'histoire de l'humanité. Le relatif isolement dans lequel le régime Ba'athiste maintient la Syrie depuis plus de quarante ans la place en dehors du temps offrant ainsi aux visiteurs un dépaysement assuré. Les touristes occidentaux se rendent en Syrie pour y faire du tourisme culturel au contraire des touristes arabes (Saoudiens, Emiratis .) qui se contentent de profiter du luxe et des plaisirs dans un pays bon marché et permissif. L'abondance des touristes arabes explique l'orientation actuelle de la politique touristique syrienne qui favorise les hôtels de luxe et les constructions massives au détriment de la préservation du paysage et la mise en valeur du patrimoine culturel.

AbstractObjectiveThe research considers the impact of exposure to political comedy focused on the crisis in the Middle East on viewers' attitudes toward the Israeli/Palestinian conflict.MethodsData from a four‐group experiment were analyzed (N = 240; August 2021). Video stimuli were drawn from Last Week Tonight with John Oliver, The Daily Show with Trevor Noah, Late Night with Seth Meyers, and Full Frontal with Samantha Bee.ResultsThe results suggest that exposure to this critical content has a limited but significant effect on issue attitudes. Specifically, subjects exposed to satire about the conflict in the Middle East were significantly less likely to suggest that the United States is too supportive of the Palestinians and were marginally less likely to suggest that the Hamas response to the crisis goes too far, that the Israeli government is making a sincere effort to bring about peace, and that there is a way for Israel and an independent Palestinian state to coexist peacefully.ConclusionThe implications of the findings and the potential influence of satire on foreign policy issue attitudes are discussed.

In the past two decades, suicide terrorism in its different forms has become a popular topic of research and debate. It has contributed to a different sense of normalcy and regularity in various societies across the world given that suicide bombings are relatively inexpensive and effective, compared with other kinds of terrorist methods. This study primarily focuses on suicide bombings in the Palestinian/Israeli territories, an area that has experienced conflict and tension for over six decades. In doing so, the research study uses Durkheim's typology of suicide as a theoretical framework to trace the history of suicide bombings in the Palestinian/Israeli territories, outline the characteristics of suicide bombers, their motivations, and how suicide bombings have been used as a form of resistance to occupation. The data collected cover suicide bombings that have occurred from April 1994 to February 2008. The research study uses logistic regression to examine the characteristics of the suicide bombers and their attacks. The results show, among other things, that the attacks possess elements of both altruistic and anomic types of suicide in the Durkheimian sense of the word.

AbstractIn the conflict between Bedouin representatives and government authorities in the southern Israeli Negev, the term 'insurgent building' refers to the construction of buildings erected in the full expectation that they will be demolished by the Israeli police shortly thereafter. This article analyses how insurgent building is employed as a spatial practice by emerging political actors to claim contested Bedouin landownership. Importantly, insurgent building relies on the ability of media and advocacy organizations to mobilize behind the issue. Most of the relevant scholarship takes the interpretative categories advanced by these actors at face value. Following anthropological debates regarding objectification and categorization, I examine the context of a specific case of insurgent building. Emerging political actors who employ insurgent building often rely on predefined ethnic categories and clear‐cut people–state polarities. This case demonstrates the need for a more differentiated understanding of multilayered local dynamics than the one offered by mainstream linear interpretations. At a more abstract level, political actors contribute to the reproduction of the very categories against which they mobilize.

Examines the two-state solution that is widely accepted as the best answer to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It is noted that suggested solutions range from a Greater Israel accompanied by isolated Palestinian enclaves, to a Greater Palestine brought about by dissolution of the State of Israel. It is argued that the most viable two-state position includes Israels right to exist as a sovereign Jewish state within the pre-1967 Green Line borders & the right of Palestinians to an independent state within the West Bank & Gaza Strip. The establishment of Israeli settlements in the West Bank & Gaza Strip was immoral, economically disastrous, & illegal. Opposing arguments are examined, along with the optimism generated by the 1993 Oslo Accord; the shattering of that optimize by Hamas suicide bombings; reasons behind the failure of the 2000 Camp David negotiations; & current barriers to peace. It is concluded that a solution is unlikely as long as Israelis view Palestinian extremism as evidence that concessions do not bring peace & Palestinians continue to refuse to accept a mutual compromise. J. Lindroth

(...) Elsarraj, Eyad: Palestinian children and violence. The long-term effects of trauma, violence and abuse. - S. 12-15. Ornan, Atar ; Ziv, Haggith Gor: The impact of the conflict on Israeli children. Israeli education aims to protect children by turning the "abnormal" into "normal". - S. 16-22. Barber, Brian K.: Palestinian children and adolescents during and after the Intifada. A research project on the experiences and traumas of Palestinian children and adolescents during and after the Intifada. - S. 23-33. Lahad, Mooli ; Ayalon, Ofra: The devastation of children by war. Children pay the heaviest psychological price for war. - S. 34-42. Arafat, Cairo: Protecting children in difficult circumstances. Ensuring the protection and development of Palestinian children. - S. 43-48. Veerman, Philip: The United Nations and the rights of the child. Every new-born child must be recognized by the responsible authorities. - S. 49-54. Nashashibi, Rana: The consequences of trauma. The effects on children of revoking Palestinian residency rights in Jerusalem. - S. 55-60. Ziv, Hadas: Children's health rights in Jerusalem. In East Jerusalem the death rate for babies is twice that of West Jerusalem babies. - S. 61-64

AbstractThis note reports the results of an attempt to detect a systematic pattern in the development of terrorist activity of the Palestine Liberation Organization during the period 1967-1978. Since its establishment in 1964 the PLO has seen the Palestinian-Israeli conflict as insoluble by political, as distinct from, military means. A quantitative analysis of Palestinian military activities explores a downward trend in the annual frequency of activity in the administered territories and an upward trend in the annual frequency of activity within the pre-1967 lines. Israeli punishment did not work as a deterrent but remained an essentially retaliatory activity despite the apparent intentions of its authors. The changes in the military activity of the PLO were systematic rather than coincidental. The main cause of significant long-term increases in the activity of the Palestinian organizations was the impetus provided by political events for the recovery of operative bases of action and motivation for guerrilla activity. Reinforcement of both organizational and motivational militancy followed the perception by the Palestinian organizations that political victories could not be gained without terrorist activity.

States, in their conflicts with militant groups embedded in civilian populations, often resort to policies of collective punishment to erode civilian support for the militants. We attempt to evaluate the efficacy of such policies in the context of the Gaza Strip, where Israel's blockade and military interventions, purportedly intended to erode support for Hamas, have inflicted hardship on the civilian population. We combine Palestinian public opinion data, Palestinian labor force surveys, and Palestinian fatalities data, to understand the relationship between exposure to Israeli policies and Palestinian support for militant factions. Our baseline strategy is a difference-in-differences specification that compares the gap in public opinion between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank during periods of intense punishment with the gap during periods when punishment is eased. Consistent with previous research, we find that Palestinian fatalities are associated with Palestinian support for more militant political factions. The effect is short-lived, however, dissipating after merely one quarter. Moreover, the blockade of Gaza itself appears to be only weakly associated with support for militant factions. Overall, we find little evidence to suggest that Israeli security policies toward the Gaza Strip have any substantial lasting effect on Gazan support for militant factions, neither deterring nor provoking them relative to their West Bank counterparts. Our findings therefore call into question the logic of Israel's continued security policies toward Gaza, while prompting a wider re-examination of the efficacy of deterrence strategies in other asymmetric conflicts.