"Junge Intellektuelle, die mehrheitlich der größten islamischen Organisation Indonesiens, der Nahdlatul Ulama, nahe stehen, setzen sich heute für einen 'Islam der Einheimischen' (Islam Pribumi) ein, der sich in Indonesien im Laufe der Jahrhunderte entwickelte und sich vor allem vom Islam, wie er in der arabischen Welt praktiziert wird, in mehreren Aspekten unterscheidet. Es handelt sich hierbei um einen sehr selbstbewussten Diskurs, der die eigene religiöse und kulturelle Praxis betont und sich von 'arabischen' Traditionen, die als fremd wahrgenommen werden, abgrenzt. Dieser Diskurs wird mit der führenden Rolle von arabisch-stämmigen Indonesiern in radikalen islamischen Organisationen in Beziehung gesetzt, die aus der Sicht der jungen Intellektuellen der Nahdlatul Ulama eine 'Arabisierung' Indonesiens betreiben. Der Artikel untersucht in der Folge diese Arabisierungsthese, indem näher auf die Position der arabischen Gemeinschaft in der indonesischen Gesellschaft eingegangen wird." (Autorenreferat)
The present thesis raises a thorny issue related to language in education policy in Algeria. It revolves around the abrupt switch in the language of instruction: from Arabic at preuniversity stages to French as a medium of instruction in scientific and technological fields at the university. By means of a number of research tools, the research examines students’ and teachers’ attitudes towards this linguistic policy characterized by an exclusive use of French at the Faculty of Biology and Geology in Tlemcen University. Also, central to the investigation is measuring their attitudes towards the Arabization of sciences at university level. Key words:
The controversy over the selection of a national language & the course of Arabization in postcolonial Algeria is examined. The independence movement that originated under the leadership of Abd al-Qadir & concluded with the formal declaration of separation in July 1962 is documented. It is suggested that early educational policies that instituted the teaching of Arabic in French elementary schools commenced the Arabization process; however, the paucity of qualified Arabic instructors delayed the realization of change. It is noted that Arabization resembled a socialist nationalist movement rather than focusing on the promulgation of religious or cultural ideology. An analysis of Kateb Yacine's Le Polygone Etoile ([The Polygon Star] 1966) reveals the linguistic alienation experienced by many Algerians; nonetheless, Yacine's preference for writing in a French dialect confounded attempts to establish an Algerian literary tradition. The novels of Assia Djebar are explored to demonstrate the problematic of being both Algerian & female in a patriarchal postcolonial Algeria. It is concluded that Algerian intellectuals viewed the process of Arabization as a reaffirmation of Arabo-Islamic heritage, rather than an absolute denial of their French past. J. W. Parker
The present research work revolves around the sociolinguistic situation in relation to the French language in Algeria. The emphasis is on the significance of French in various domains in the Algerian speech community. In fact, although the Algerian government has promoted monolingualism through the Arabization policy, it has been proved that French still has a crucial position in the Algerian society. This work aims at explaining the dual relationship between Algerian Arabic and French, and to test the degree of competence in Algerian bilingualism in relation to socio-cultural factors. The attitudes of Algerians towards French are also touched upon in this study.
La cuestión lingüística en el norte de África se ha planteado en numerosas ocasiones desde que cada uno de los países que hoy forman el Magreb tomó su independencia. Este artículo muestra la evolución de la política de arabización que estos países han implantado desde la descolonización, durante la cual los países del norte de África se interesaban por lenguas dominantes (como el árabe o el francés), hasta la actualidad, cuando las lenguas vernáculas han ido adquiriendo un mayor grado de importancia en las políticas lingüísticas. ; Since their independence, North African countries had many times faced linguistic discussions. This paper shows the evolution in Arabization policies implemented by Maghrebian countries, from decolonization. At this time, language policies were characterized by giving importance to the dominant languages (Arabic or French), but nowadays vernaculars have acquired a more relevant place in language policies.
"Egypt's lack of a common national identity is the basis for much of its internal conflict--Coptic Christians have been particularly affected. Once major contributors to Christian civilization, their influence ended with the 5th century Council of Chalcedon and they endured persecution. With the 7th century Arabization of Egypt, Copts were given dhimma or "protected persons" status"
In the last decades (i.e. since the 1950s and 1960s), many minorities in the Middle East have been advocating or fighting for their linguistic rights. On the other hand, the majority of Arab countries have tried to impose a quasi monolingual policy in favor of Arabic language. If the languages of the former colonial powers are still playing an important role, those of the non-Arab communities have always been marginalized on the basis of nationalistic and religious arguments. Focusing mainly on Egypt and Sudan, this paper attempts to identify the historical roots of the current linguistic policies and to assess their impact and implications for identity formation and national cohesion. The present monolithic linguistic policies are inherited mainly from a narrow conception of nationalism with Arabism being the dominant ideological model. Although it is not always easy to establish a clear distinction between Arabism and Islamism when dealing with the issue of Arab nationalism it appears that Islam, as a religion, did not play a decisive role in the linguistic choices of the modern Arab and Middle Eastern States. In many cases, the linguistic and cultural policies in favor of Arabization have been implemented by secular States (the Nasserist regime in Egypt, the Baathiste regime in Syria and Irak, the FLN in Algeria) but religious references were also explicitly made to acquire more legacy. It is therefore a combination of secular nationalism and modern political islamism that fed most official discourses supporting Arabization. The Arabization policies failed to ensure national consensus and national unity in a number of Arab countries with sizeable non-Arab minorities.