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Massive student protests in South Africa in the past few years, largest since the times of the anti-apartheid struggles, raised several questions for political scientists. Are we witnessing a generational change? Or are they a sign of a broader global shift towards "assertive citizenship" present in advanced democracies and democratizing countries? To answer these questions, this paper examines the levels of political support and nature of political participation among the young generation. The paper also points out that generational change is not immediately visible in public opinion polls but is a process of a gradual narrative construction. Protests brought with them a challenge to the founding narrative of a united Rainbow Nation and reconciliation with the past, leading to a fracture in democratic stability. For the democratic project to succeed, it is essential that the national project in South Africa does not fall apart.

El presente trabajo narra una experiencia artístico-educativa presentada como propuesta de taller que se planteó generar, desde la corporalidad, una experiencia sensorial con la barbotina, explorando el material de una manera no convencional, para potenciar sus recursos expresivos y estéticos, acompañados de la palabra como dispositivo productor de sentido y simbolización. Dicho taller denominado Fronteras Inútiles. Experiencias con barbotina buscó - mediante esta práctica artística sensitiva -, favorecer acciones pedagógicas promotoras de participación, cooperación, solidaridad, alteridad y respeto, generando encuentros innovadores con los materiales tradicionales del lenguaje cerámico donde se promueva la desinhibición a través del juego, la expresión corporal, la auto-confianza, la aceptación, la inclusión, la conciencia espacio-temporal y el encuentro con la palabra.

This thesis provides the first major Australian history of lesbian feminism between the 1970s and 1990s. Lesbian feminism emerged from within Women's Liberation, Campaign Against Moral Persecution and Gay Liberation, three social movements that wanted to challenge sex roles, the nuclear family and other oppressive systems of patriarchy. Homophobia and sexism within these movements, reflecting broader social and cultural prejudices, caused lesbian activists to explore their dual oppression and differing political futures compared to gay men and heterosexual feminists. The lesbian feminism which emerged was political, cultural and experimental, as the women in it explored radically new ways of relating to one's self, to other women and to society more broadly. Lesbian feminism was thus compelling, erotic and transformative, as well as highly contested. As I trace, by the 1980s, lesbian feminism intersected with other social movements beyond Women's Liberation, CAMP and Gay Liberation, including anti-nuclear and anti-violence activism during the 1980s which further dovetailed with a flourishing of 'women's culture' in Australia that in many ways was lesbian-identified. By the 1990s, lesbian feminism was both less cohesive and more diverse, manifesting in one form via proto-queer sex radical communities in which lesbians could further explore their sexual and political subjectivities. As such, this thesis redefines lesbian feminism as it extended into queer and sex radical activism. Drawing from a diverse archive of feminist, gay and queer historiography, ephemera and personal memoirs, as well as thirty oral history interviews and off-the -record conversations with lesbian activists, gay men, and one trans man, I offer an episodic yet immersive account of lesbian feminism's diverse origins and transformations in an Australian context.

ADHD is one of the most common neurobiological disorders among school aged children and has significant implications for their educational outcomes (Barkley, 2015). It is widely known that attitudes have a direct relationship to teacher actions in the classroom (Avramidis & Norwich, 2002; Cronin-Jones, 1991; Kos, Richdale, & Hay, 2006; Leatherman & Niemeyer, 2005; Mulholland, 2016b); therefore, gaining an understanding of teacher knowledge and attitudes with regard to students who display ADHD-type behaviour is an essential step in improving their educational outcomes and school experiences. There are currently few valid and reliable research instruments that investigate the ADHD-specific knowledge and attitudes teachers hold, and of the studies that investigate attitudes, most do little more than examine false factual information that teachers believe to be true (Kos, Richdale, & Hay, 2006; Mulholland, Cumming, & Jung, 2015). The present study of NSW government school teachers aimed to ascertain the level of overall knowledge teachers possess regarding ADHD, and the attitudes teachers hold toward ADHD, the children who display ADHD-type behaviours, and the teaching thereof. The study developed and assessed an effective, reliable, useful research instrument, and also examined the impact of demographic characteristics on the level of knowledge and attitudes.Analysis showed that NSW government school teaches scored average 73.32% on Scale for ADHD-specific knowledge (SASK), but had a less sound knowledge in some areas than others, for example, management of ADHD. Analysis also demonstrated that there were some significant demographic predictors of teacher knowledge and attitudes; however, the models generated from this data set accounted for a small percentage of the variance of scores. Furthermore, analysis showed teachers desire more ADHD-specific professional learning, which has significant implications for government departments, universities, and private professional learning companies. Overall, this thesis has provided a necessary and more comprehensive investigation into the ADHD-specific knowledge and attitudes teachers of NSW government schools hold. While some of the findings from this study are analogous to those from previous research, both in Australia and around the globe, much of the reported results represent novel, more comprehensive findings.

The study delves into the foreign policy plans of Alexei Navalny, the Russian politician who is currently commonly regarded as the most prominent opposition leader and the sole plausible alternative to Vladimir Putin. Drawing on his interviews, public speeches, media publications and electoral manifestos, the author analyses his foreign policy views alongside three topics, that is, Russia's policies towards disputed lands and states in the post-Soviet area (Crimea, Donbas, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria), the country's foreign policy orientation and priorities (especially regarding relations with the West) and assessment of the Putin regime's foreign policy. Following this, the author speculates on the likely foundations of Russia's foreign policy under Navalny's possible presidency and their implications for the West.

Following the widespread participation of United Nations (UN) forces in hostile environments, this article aims to expand the obligations of the UN under International Humanitarian Law. The article argues that Additional Protocol II (AP II) to the Geneva Conventions can bind UN forces, even though the UN is not formally a party thereto. The argument is built on three distinct legal issues: the first issue is whether the UN's involvement in a conflict internationalizes a non-international armed conflict; the second issue is the legal nature of the UN's obligations under AP II, which will be explained through two legal theories of indirect consent; and the third issue is the conformity of UN forces to the criteria of an armed group outlined in AP II. The article concludes that if UN forces meet certain conditions, as will be outlined herein, they should be bound by the provisions contained in AP II.