Suchergebnisse

This article looks at how India and China debate the relevance of democracy as a regime to their respective development strategies and foreign policies. With special emphasis on the Indian case, it argues that these countries are pursuing divergent models and that this competition has important implications for other Asian countries that are undergoing rapid transition and massive socio-economic transformation. The natural tension between domestic decision-making processes and principles, and exigent external priorities is a typical challenge faced by great powers. But unlike authoritarian China, the eventual success of India's democratic model is crucial to the future of the liberal order. Adapted from the source document.

The author notes that to speak of democracy in the countries of Central Asia would seem to be a futile effort. The republics that emerged after the collapse of the Soviet Union are known for their authoritarian, repressive, & centralized regimes. Following a review of the history & sociopolitical context of the Central Asian countries, the author describes being in Bishkek in Jan 2010, when Kyrgyzstan was between revolutions & popular revolts, & discusses the country's internal dynamics as well as foreign relations with the US, Russia, & other Western nations. While a ray of hope was apparent at that time -- with the establishment of a new legitimate government & a new social contract -- it was soon extinguished. Once again, the future of Kyrgyzstan, like that of the other Central Asian countries, appears unlikely to change anytime soon. S. Stanton

Abstract This paper aims to reflect about the contradictions of international cooperation for development in Haiti that can be summarized in two perspectives: the North-South cooperation (NSC) and South-South cooperation (SSC). The dynamics of relationships can mix them (N-SSC). We identified governmental and nongovernmental particularly in health, linked to the OECD, the ALBA-TCP and UNASUR as empirical sources for reflection. The OECD privileges the perspective of NSC: commitment of developed nations with undeveloped. It operates mainly through NGOs. The ALBA-TCP and UNASUR have followed the perspective of SSC: commitment and solidarity among nations alike. They emphasize the horizontal partnership based on solidarity, respect for national sovereignty and peculiarities of each country. The resumption of the categories imperialism and internationalism may contribute to the understanding and analysis the contradictions in the international development agenda, illustrated by how these different actor in Haiti organize their actions. While the first one indicates bonding mechanisms geopolitical hierarchy, the latter suggests possibilities for overcoming these mechanisms. Key-words: International cooperation; Haiti; Imperialism; Internationalism; Organizational studies. Resumo Este artigo objetiva refletir sobre contradições da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento no Haiti, resumidas em duas perspectivas: cooperação Norte-Sul (CNS) e cooperação Sul-Sul (CSS). A dinâmica das relações pode misturá-las (CN-SS). Identificamos atores governamentais e não governamentais, na área da saúde, vinculados à OCDE, à ALBA-TCP e à UNASUL como fontes empíricas para a reflexão. A OCDE se orienta, predominantemente pela CNS, ou seja, pelo compromisso de assistência que os países desenvolvidos oferecem aos subdesenvolvidos. Opera principalmente através de ONGs. Nas ações da ALBA-TCP e da Unasul predominam a perspectiva da CSS: comprometimento solidário entre nações iguais. Enfatizam a parceria horizontal baseada na solidariedade, no respeito à soberania e peculiaridades de cada país. A retomada das categorias imperialismo e internacionalismo contribui para compreensão e análise das contradições na agenda internacional do desenvolvimento, ilustradas pelas formas mediante as quais esses diferentes atores organizam suas ações no Haiti. Enquanto as dos países da OCDE denotam mecanismos geopolíticos hierárquicos, as ações dos países vinculados à ALBA-TCP e da UNASUR sugerem possibilidades de superação desses mecanismos, buscando a cooperação genuína e autodeterminada. Palavras-chave: Cooperação internacional; Haiti; Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudos oganizacionais. Resumen En este artículo se reflexiona sobre las contradicciones de la cooperación internacional para el desarrollo en Haití, resumidas en dos puntos de vista: cooperación Norte-Sur (CNS) y cooperación Sur-Sur (CSS). La dinámica de las relaciones pueden mezclarlos (CN-SS). Identificamos los actores gubernamentales y no gubernamentales, en la salud, de la OCDE, del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR como fuentes empíricas para la reflexión. La OCDE se orienta principalmente por la CNS, es decir, ofrecen asistencia a los países sudesarrollados. Opera principalmente a través de ONGs; en las acciones del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR predominan la perspectiva de CSS: el compromiso solidario entre naciones iguales. La énfasis és en la colaboración horizontal basada en la solidaridad, el respeto a la soberanía y las peculiaridades de cada país. La reanudación de las categorías imperialismo y internacionalismo contribuye a la comprensión y el análisis de las contradicciones en la agenda de desarrollo internacional, ilustrada por las formas en que los diferentes actores organizan sus acciones en Haití. Mientras que los países de la OCDE indican mecanismos geopolíticos jerárquicas, las acciones de los países vinculados al ALBA- TCP y UNASUR sugieren posibilidades para la superación de estos mecanismos, buscando la cooperación genuina y autodeterminada. Palabras-clave: Cooperación internacional; Haití, Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudios oganizacionales.

Russia-China relations have been marked by areas of cooperation built on shared approaches in fundamental foreign policy topics, as well as by some elements of continuity in projects of national consolidation. However, this has not been a relationship without constraints, especially regarding incompatible goals. This article analyses the relations between Russia and China in an internationally changed framework, where the Asia-Pacific region has been gaining growing relevance. Political, economic and security relations are object of analysis, with the aim of understanding the main issues in the agenda and the dynamics that these have generated regarding the bilateral relationship, which is increasingly understood as asymmetrical. Adapted from the source document.

The present paper explores the role of China in Asia's evolution in the international system, describing the political and security dynamics that has characterized its diverse "centres" -- East Asia, Northeast Asia or Southeast Asia -- and that, at the turning of the century, created the conditions for the emergence of a "Great Asia", concomitantly with the acknowledgement of China. The paper also approaches the various conflicts that have marked the history of the region during the Cold War and, despite the fact that its end was unable to bring to Asia the "Kantian peace", a "Lockean intermission" took place in the area, as a result of North-American unipolar preponderance and a long cycle of economic growth. Adapted from the source document.

Nicholas Spykman once wrote that "the remarkable similarity of the geographic position of the United States in regard to Europe & Asia (was) not paralleled by a similarity in political relations." This pattern was confirmed in World War II & the Cold War & seems to persist in the post-Cold War. The United States consolidated its alliance with Western Europe in the Atlantic Alliance but there is no comparable multilateral framework in Asia although relations with Japan, India & China, increasingly at the center of American interests, need it in order to become more stable & predictable. Adapted from the source document.