Suchergebnisse

The European Union is stated that promoting human rights, rule of law and democracy is one of the main objectives of the EU foreign policy. It was endorsed in the EU official document such as European Consensus on Development (2005) and also EU Strategy towards Central Asia. The thesis analyses the promotion of the EU value towards Central Asian countries, namely: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan Because of the isolation of the Turkmenistan, it was impossible to include the country in the research paper. In order to analyze the promotion level, it was decided to scrutinize the EU instruments such as EIDHR, human rights dialogue and civil society seminars. The European Union adopted the Strategy towards Central Asian countries in 2007 and this document expands the relation between European Union and Central Asia. Therefore, the thesis analyses the corporation of the both sides before and after the adaptation of the Strategy. Issues of cooperation in terms of the human rights and rule of law between the European Union and Kazakhstan are analyzed as a case study. At the conclusion, the promotion of the values assessed and the conclusion outlined for the corporation in the field of human rights and the rule of law between European Union and Central Asian countries.

Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or "colorful"), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) "building" is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the society, what will keep the political system of CA states stable in the long run. External factor in case of stability in Central Asia is secondary, but presumed balance of power between Russia and China in the region is going to become its additional guarantee.

Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or "colorful"), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) "building" is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the society, what will keep the political system of CA states stable in the long run. External factor in case of stability in Central Asia is secondary, but presumed balance of power between Russia and China in the region is going to become its additional guarantee.

Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or "colorful"), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) "building" is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the society, what will keep the political system of CA states stable in the long run. External factor in case of stability in Central Asia is secondary, but presumed balance of power between Russia and China in the region is going to become its additional guarantee.

Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or "colorful"), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) "building" is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the society, what will keep the political system of CA states stable in the long run. External factor in case of stability in Central Asia is secondary, but presumed balance of power between Russia and China in the region is going to become its additional guarantee.

In the run of two decades since becoming the independent state, Uzbekistan has manifested sharp turns in its foreign policy by changing geopolitical partners, entering and leaving various international organizations and featured diplomacy, which was difficult to accommodate within any comprehensive strategic framework. This added to the unpredictability of the Uzbek foreign policy which in turn has been causing notable tensions in the Central Asia region, which sometimes were transferred to wider international contexts. In the ample academic research on the Central Asian politics it is usual to label such a type of foreign policy as multivector. The term itself lacks precise definition and may refer to the different aspects of policy. The dissertation offers the definition of multivectorism, and argues that the foreign policy of Uzbekistan is characterized not by continuous feature of multivectorism but rather by the recursive switching between multivector and alliance relationship modes, including partnerships with the sides of the different geopolitical orientation. The argument is built by exploration of the preconditions for the multivector foreign policy, stemming from the internal and external contexts of Uzbekistan and by undertaking the analysis of Uzbekistan foreign policy actions in the period between 1991-2011. Methodologically, the whole analytical effort exploits the strategic-relationship model and attempts to reveal the links between the contextual factors and the foreign policy activities. The dissertation claims that the overarching objective of Uzbekistan's foreign policy was the search for the external security guarantees, and the bias towards multivectorism is explained by the reluctance of the great powers to offer such guarantees.

In the run of two decades since becoming the independent state, Uzbekistan has manifested sharp turns in its foreign policy by changing geopolitical partners, entering and leaving various international organizations and featured diplomacy, which was difficult to accommodate within any comprehensive strategic framework. This added to the unpredictability of the Uzbek foreign policy which in turn has been causing notable tensions in the Central Asia region, which sometimes were transferred to wider international contexts. In the ample academic research on the Central Asian politics it is usual to label such a type of foreign policy as multivector. The term itself lacks precise definition and may refer to the different aspects of policy. The dissertation offers the definition of multivectorism, and argues that the foreign policy of Uzbekistan is characterized not by continuous feature of multivectorism but rather by the recursive switching between multivector and alliance relationship modes, including partnerships with the sides of the different geopolitical orientation. The argument is built by exploration of the preconditions for the multivector foreign policy, stemming from the internal and external contexts of Uzbekistan and by undertaking the analysis of Uzbekistan foreign policy actions in the period between 1991-2011. Methodologically, the whole analytical effort exploits the strategic-relationship model and attempts to reveal the links between the contextual factors and the foreign policy activities. The dissertation claims that the overarching objective of Uzbekistan's foreign policy was the search for the external security guarantees, and the bias towards multivectorism is explained by the reluctance of the great powers to offer such guarantees.

In the run of two decades since becoming the independent state, Uzbekistan has manifested sharp turns in its foreign policy by changing geopolitical partners, entering and leaving various international organizations and featured diplomacy, which was difficult to accommodate within any comprehensive strategic framework. This added to the unpredictability of the Uzbek foreign policy which in turn has been causing notable tensions in the Central Asia region, which sometimes were transferred to wider international contexts. In the ample academic research on the Central Asian politics it is usual to label such a type of foreign policy as multivector. The term itself lacks precise definition and may refer to the different aspects of policy. The dissertation offers the definition of multivectorism, and argues that the foreign policy of Uzbekistan is characterized not by continuous feature of multivectorism but rather by the recursive switching between multivector and alliance relationship modes, including partnerships with the sides of the different geopolitical orientation. The argument is built by exploration of the preconditions for the multivector foreign policy, stemming from the internal and external contexts of Uzbekistan and by undertaking the analysis of Uzbekistan foreign policy actions in the period between 1991-2011. Methodologically, the whole analytical effort exploits the strategic-relationship model and attempts to reveal the links between the contextual factors and the foreign policy activities. The dissertation claims that the overarching objective of Uzbekistan's foreign policy was the search for the external security guarantees, and the bias towards multivectorism is explained by the reluctance of the great powers to offer such guarantees.

In the run of two decades since becoming the independent state, Uzbekistan has manifested sharp turns in its foreign policy by changing geopolitical partners, entering and leaving various international organizations and featured diplomacy, which was difficult to accommodate within any comprehensive strategic framework. This added to the unpredictability of the Uzbek foreign policy which in turn has been causing notable tensions in the Central Asia region, which sometimes were transferred to wider international contexts. In the ample academic research on the Central Asian politics it is usual to label such a type of foreign policy as multivector. The term itself lacks precise definition and may refer to the different aspects of policy. The dissertation offers the definition of multivectorism, and argues that the foreign policy of Uzbekistan is characterized not by continuous feature of multivectorism but rather by the recursive switching between multivector and alliance relationship modes, including partnerships with the sides of the different geopolitical orientation. The argument is built by exploration of the preconditions for the multivector foreign policy, stemming from the internal and external contexts of Uzbekistan and by undertaking the analysis of Uzbekistan foreign policy actions in the period between 1991-2011. Methodologically, the whole analytical effort exploits the strategic-relationship model and attempts to reveal the links between the contextual factors and the foreign policy activities. The dissertation claims that the overarching objective of Uzbekistan's foreign policy was the search for the external security guarantees, and the bias towards multivectorism is explained by the reluctance of the great powers to offer such guarantees.

In the run of two decades since becoming the independent state, Uzbekistan has manifested sharp turns in its foreign policy by changing geopolitical partners, entering and leaving various international organizations and featured diplomacy, which was difficult to accommodate within any comprehensive strategic framework. This added to the unpredictability of the Uzbek foreign policy which in turn has been causing notable tensions in the Central Asia region, which sometimes were transferred to wider international contexts. In the ample academic research on the Central Asian politics it is usual to label such a type of foreign policy as multivector. The term itself lacks precise definition and may refer to the different aspects of policy. The dissertation offers the definition of multivectorism, and argues that the foreign policy of Uzbekistan is characterized not by continuous feature of multivectorism but rather by the recursive switching between multivector and alliance relationship modes, including partnerships with the sides of the different geopolitical orientation. The argument is built by exploration of the preconditions for the multivector foreign policy, stemming from the internal and external contexts of Uzbekistan and by undertaking the analysis of Uzbekistan foreign policy actions in the period between 1991-2011. Methodologically, the whole analytical effort exploits the strategic-relationship model and attempts to reveal the links between the contextual factors and the foreign policy activities. The dissertation claims that the overarching objective of Uzbekistan's foreign policy was the search for the external security guarantees, and the bias towards multivectorism is explained by the reluctance of the great powers to offer such guarantees.

In the run of two decades since becoming the independent state, Uzbekistan has manifested sharp turns in its foreign policy by changing geopolitical partners, entering and leaving various international organizations and featured diplomacy, which was difficult to accommodate within any comprehensive strategic framework. This added to the unpredictability of the Uzbek foreign policy which in turn has been causing notable tensions in the Central Asia region, which sometimes were transferred to wider international contexts. In the ample academic research on the Central Asian politics it is usual to label such a type of foreign policy as multivector. The term itself lacks precise definition and may refer to the different aspects of policy. The dissertation offers the definition of multivectorism, and argues that the foreign policy of Uzbekistan is characterized not by continuous feature of multivectorism but rather by the recursive switching between multivector and alliance relationship modes, including partnerships with the sides of the different geopolitical orientation. The argument is built by exploration of the preconditions for the multivector foreign policy, stemming from the internal and external contexts of Uzbekistan and by undertaking the analysis of Uzbekistan foreign policy actions in the period between 1991-2011. Methodologically, the whole analytical effort exploits the strategic-relationship model and attempts to reveal the links between the contextual factors and the foreign policy activities. The dissertation claims that the overarching objective of Uzbekistan's foreign policy was the search for the external security guarantees, and the bias towards multivectorism is explained by the reluctance of the great powers to offer such guarantees.

This Final Master thesis is designeded to investigate the Western political economy model applicability to change Asian model in its region. During the Asia Financial Crisis in 1997 Korea republic (further South Korea) asked the IMF financial aid and accepted all the conditions and made many reforms in the country. Those reforms were directed into liberalizing the market, open up to foreign investors and to create more attractive foreign direct investment (further FDI) climate in S.Korea. This was about to change theretofore exited Asian political economy model into more liberal Western model. The problem – could IMF reforms help to recover countries' economies more effective and sharply after the crisis? Could those IMF reforms be successfully adjusted into any environment? The object – political-economical indicators of Japan and S.Korea. Objective of investigation – to find out if IMF reforms in S.Korea helped to recover its economy more rapidly and successfully than in Japan, where IMF reforms were not implemented. From objective the hypothesis that after investigation will be confirmed or rejected appear: Hypothesis – IMF improved political-economical indicators in S.Korea more sharply than Japan, where the government did not implemented any IMF reforms. Regarding to the fact that IMF reforms were designeded to implement Western political economy model into Asia country – S.Korea, confirmation of the hypothesis would also prove that Western model could be successfully adapted into other totally diferent environment. Tasks: • To select specific aspects of political economy which could concretize the investigation; • To select specific case for investigation; • To analyse IMF role and reforms during the Asia Financial Crisis; • To compare impact of IMF reforms in S.Korea with Japan's case; • To confirm or reject the hypothesis. The methods of investigation. There are used comparative method, regression analysis with statistical "Gretl" program, correlation, using Microsoft Excel program and diferent sources analysis. The results: before the Asia crisis many indicators of Japan were much better that in S.Korea. After the Asia Financial Crisis when S.Korea's government implemented IMF reforms, the indicators of S.Korea improved much sharply than Japan's and were much better now than in Japan where no IMF reforms were implemented. The findings: the IMF reforms that were implemented into S.Korea after the Asia Financial Crisis successfully and sharply helped country to recover from stagnation. In Japan where Japan's government did not implemented any IMF reforms recovery was much slower. The IMF reforms initiated adaption of Western model in S.Korea and by that the hypothesis was confirmed – Western political economy model can be successfully ajusted into totally diferent environment. For further investigation some recommendations are given: • To analyse the employment rate in S.Korea's local and foreign capital companies. That could help to analyse the impact of IMF reforms on unemployment rate in long term; • To make a survey of foreign companies that made FDI into Japan and S.Korea before and after the crisis. This could help to find out what tangible effect of reforms that were made in Japan and S.Korea after the crisis for the reason to improve the climate for foreign investment was and what are the main weaknesses that remain.

Ongoing economic globalization processes of the late decades and the increasing integration of markets and societies have changed the world and the traditional intercourse among states. The importance of economic interests of countries is constantly rising. Academic literature often mentions and existing tension (competition) between politics and economics. That is why there is a question,- are these interests compatible or competing in Lithuania? The object of this study: Lithuanian economic interest representation and the interaction among economic and political interests of the state. Purpose: to find out how important are economic interests in the contemporary Lithuanian foreign policy; in what way and how much can they influence it. In order to implement the main purpose of this study these objectives are being met: To review the interpretation of the relation between economics and politics in the internationa relations discipline; To analyze which [and in what extent] economic interests are being mentioned in the most important foreign policy documents and what is their significance in those documents; To explore the institutionalization of economic interest representation; To identify the weaknesses of economic interest representation in foreign countries; To study the interaction between economic and political interests according to the most important Lithuanian foreign policy regional courses - Europe, CIS, Asia and America; To propose recommendations for the improvement of Lithuanian economic (diplomacy) foreign policy. Lithuanian economic interests in this study are considered as the promotion of common economic relations (foreign trade) and of the export of nations products and services; attracting of foreign direct investment, protection and representation of the interests of the national economy subjects. After implementing the objectives of this study the following conclusions were derived: • The ongoing globalization processes transform the foreign policies of many countries. Representation of economic interests is becomming one of its essential elements. • Since the regaining of independency economic and foreign policy were considered as two different areas. Membership in the EU has highlighted the importance of economic interest representation and the necessity to integrate them into the common foreign policy. • Lithuanian institutions, responsible for shaping and implementing foreign policy, consider economic interests in different ways; • Lithuania has adopted the competetive model of economic diplomacy; • Lithuanian economic diplomacy has the following weaknesses: - Lack of coordination among the most important institutions which shape and implement economic diplomacy; - The absence of a unified Lithuanian economic diplomacy strategy; - No "country marketing" (image strategy, country branding) has been created yet; - The lack of "aggression" in Lithuanian diplomats who coordinate economic affairs; - Failing communication among businessmen and diplomats; In order to improve the representation of Lithuanian economic interests and their protection in foreign countries the following measures ought to be implemented: • Protect the national interests in the EU more actively; • Reduce the tensions between politics and economics in the cases of Russia and Belarus; • Significantly strengthen the diplomatic-economic representation in Asian countries; • Use good political relations and the transatlantic partnership in achieving economic aims in America;. • Improve the coordination of actions among the institutions which implement economic diplomacy; • Regulate and separate the functions of the institutions implementing economic diplomacy more clearly; • Create a unified strategy for the representation of Lithuanian economic interests. • Pay more attention to economic diplomacy as a discipline in universities.

Ongoing economic globalization processes of the late decades and the increasing integration of markets and societies have changed the world and the traditional intercourse among states. The importance of economic interests of countries is constantly rising. Academic literature often mentions and existing tension (competition) between politics and economics. That is why there is a question,- are these interests compatible or competing in Lithuania? The object of this study: Lithuanian economic interest representation and the interaction among economic and political interests of the state. Purpose: to find out how important are economic interests in the contemporary Lithuanian foreign policy; in what way and how much can they influence it. In order to implement the main purpose of this study these objectives are being met: To review the interpretation of the relation between economics and politics in the internationa relations discipline; To analyze which [and in what extent] economic interests are being mentioned in the most important foreign policy documents and what is their significance in those documents; To explore the institutionalization of economic interest representation; To identify the weaknesses of economic interest representation in foreign countries; To study the interaction between economic and political interests according to the most important Lithuanian foreign policy regional courses - Europe, CIS, Asia and America; To propose recommendations for the improvement of Lithuanian economic (diplomacy) foreign policy. Lithuanian economic interests in this study are considered as the promotion of common economic relations (foreign trade) and of the export of nations products and services; attracting of foreign direct investment, protection and representation of the interests of the national economy subjects. After implementing the objectives of this study the following conclusions were derived: • The ongoing globalization processes transform the foreign policies of many countries. Representation of economic interests is becomming one of its essential elements. • Since the regaining of independency economic and foreign policy were considered as two different areas. Membership in the EU has highlighted the importance of economic interest representation and the necessity to integrate them into the common foreign policy. • Lithuanian institutions, responsible for shaping and implementing foreign policy, consider economic interests in different ways; • Lithuania has adopted the competetive model of economic diplomacy; • Lithuanian economic diplomacy has the following weaknesses: - Lack of coordination among the most important institutions which shape and implement economic diplomacy; - The absence of a unified Lithuanian economic diplomacy strategy; - No "country marketing" (image strategy, country branding) has been created yet; - The lack of "aggression" in Lithuanian diplomats who coordinate economic affairs; - Failing communication among businessmen and diplomats; In order to improve the representation of Lithuanian economic interests and their protection in foreign countries the following measures ought to be implemented: • Protect the national interests in the EU more actively; • Reduce the tensions between politics and economics in the cases of Russia and Belarus; • Significantly strengthen the diplomatic-economic representation in Asian countries; • Use good political relations and the transatlantic partnership in achieving economic aims in America;. • Improve the coordination of actions among the institutions which implement economic diplomacy; • Regulate and separate the functions of the institutions implementing economic diplomacy more clearly; • Create a unified strategy for the representation of Lithuanian economic interests. • Pay more attention to economic diplomacy as a discipline in universities.