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The article analyzes Russian-Central Asian relations with a focus on their economic component. The uniqueness of the ongoing (since 2003) study, which is the basis for the article, lies in an attempt to systematically evaluate the key elements of interaction between Russia and the countries of Central Asia in the areas of politics, security, the economy (including in the energy sector), as well as in the social sphere. Through the prism of this, the most important factors and stages of economic relations in the period 1991–2018 are indicated, trade and other statistics are provided. The article concludes that in recent years, economic relations between Russia and Central Asian countries are characterized by certain positive dynamics.

This study interprets the modern understanding of ethnic and national identity. It was noted that there is an important connection between ethnic and national identity, created on the basis of nation-building processes. Since the 1990s, nationalism that has been at the top of the international agenda, new nations and state building processes, problems of ethnic identity, which have become an important item on the agenda in relations between states and international organizations, a new quest for democracy that develops through the recognition of differences, growing cultural conflicts in many regions from Asia to the American continent, and social movements based on identity have raised identity politics to an important position in international relations. In this context, international relations theorists, who have increased their ties to political theory in a way that has accelerated especially in the 1990s, are rebuilding the discipline's relationship with identity politics.

The article examines the socio-humanitarian activities of non-state actors (NSAs) in post-Soviet Central Asia focusing on the Aga Khan Development Network activities (AKDN). It is argued that despite increasing role of non-state actors in the socio-humanitarian dimension of world politics, their work is not always perceived positively. In this context, Central Asia also presents challenges for the work of the NSAs, although dealing with social and economic problems of the region's states generates significant demand for the involvement of international non-state actors. Based on the evaluation of the results of the activities (in the sphere of humanitarian assistance, education, culture and health) of AKDN, it is demonstrated that the public-private partnership in solving the pressing social and humanitarian problems of Central Asian states has positive influence.Key words: non-state actors, neoliberalism, Aga Khan Development Network, Central Asia, socio-humanitarian activity. ; В настоящей статье автор на примере деятельности Организации Ага Хана по развитию рассматривает социально-гуманитарную деятельность негосударственных акторов в постсоветской Центральной Азии. Утверждается, что, несмотря на возросшую роль негосударственных акторов в социально-гуманитарном измерении мировой политики, их деятельность не всегда воспринимается позитивно. Сложным регионом в этом отношении для работы негосударственных акторов является и Центральная Азия, хотя социально-экономические проблемы государств на ее территории генерируют значительный запрос на участие в их решении международных негосударственных акторов. На малоизученном кейсе – примере результатов деятельности Организации Ага Хана по развитию (в области гуманитарной помощи, образования, культуры и здравоохранения) – демонстрируется позитивное влияние государственно-частного партнерства в решении насущных социально-гуманитарных проблем государств Центральной Азии.Ключевые слова: негосударственные акторы, неолиберализм, Организация Ага Хана по развитию, Центральная Азия, социально-гуманитарная деятельность.

В статье изучен центрально-азиатский вектор внешней политики Российской Федерации в период 1999–2008 гг. Автор исследует основные события, происходившие в 1999–2008 гг. в центрально-азиатском регионе и их последствия для России. Рассмотрены интеграционные процессы и роль военно-политического и экономического аспектов во взаимоотношениях Российской Федерации с центрально-азиатскими республиками. Основываясь на официальных документах, автор анализирует успешные действия российского правительства в отношении усиления влияния Москвы в Центральной Азии. The article presents the Central Asian vector of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation during the period 1999–2008. The author explores the main events that took place in 1999-2008 in the Central Asian region and their consequences for Russia. It also considers integration processes and the role of the military, political and economic aspects in the relations of the Russian Federation with the Central Asian republics. Based on official documents, the author analyzes the successful actions of the Russian government regarding the growing influence of Moscow in Central Asia. ; Bichakov S. A. Central Asian vector of Russia's foreign policy in the 1999–2008 / Bichakov S. A. // The Black Sea region. History, politics, culture. – Series С : «International Relations». № XXV(VIII).– 2018. – P. 62–69.

The article is devoted to issues of legal registration of the State border with the countries of Central Asia. The author notes that, along with the intensification of cooperation between Uzbekistan and foreign countries in other important areas, the negotiation process on the delimitation and demarcation of borders with Central Asian countries has become continuous. Also, in the article, special attention is drawn to the opinion of foreign experts regarding the settlement of issues of the borders of Uzbekistan with neighboring states.

The round table on "Japan's Relations with East Asian Countries: Problems, Trends, and Prospects", organized by the Institute of Far Eastern Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences was held via Zoom on the 18th of December, 2020. The participants touched upon a wide range of issues of politics, economy, energy, security and humanitarian cooperation of the countries of East Asia. The round table was attended by scientists and researchers from various scientific and educational institutions in Russia

South Asian geopolitical face-off of Delhi and Islamabad revealed breaches of the nuclear nonproliferation. This encouraged the greatest nuclear powers to create a mechanism for additional regulation of the nuclear technology and materials export, which is now known as "Nuclear Suppliers' Group". This mechanism aims to impose restrictions for the nuclear technology and materials export to the countries that are not members of NPT. These are nuclear programs of India and Pakistan that are pressing challenge on the agenda. India has been a very attractive market for nuclear suppliers, especially the United States, so the restrictions were lifted from Delhi in 2008. However, they remained valid for Pakistan, which wasn't an appealing market for the American nuclear exporters. As a result, China, which has been a member of NSG since 2004, has initiated building new NPPs in Pakistan getting mixed reaction of the international community. Despite the clearly contradicting Guidelines, the members of NSG haven't reached common ground on how to restore its supporting role in maintaining the non-proliferation regime. Thus, the Asian nuclear market develops mostly spontaneously, and its future is shaped primarily by the international relations between importers and exporters. Russia isn't able to influence all the NSG members to change the position, however it can take advantage of the situation for developing nuclear cooperation with the Asian countries to support sustainable development of the South Asian energy market. (author's abstract)

The author analyses the European Union's foreign policy in Central Asia. He indicates the basic tendencies of development of the EU cooperation with the countries of Central Asian region. Further, the author analyzes the implementation of joint projects within the framework adopted by the Partnership Agreements. Based on a critical analysis, the researcher highlights a number of constraints to effective development of relations between the EU and Central Asian states. He carries out a structural analysis of conceptual documents of the European Union for the development of bilateral and multilateral relations with Central Asian countries in the region.

Scientific novelty of this work lies in the systematization of stages in the evolution of relations between the European Union and the countries of Central Asia. The author divides the formation of cooperation into four main stages.

The first stage of the relations between the EU and the countries of Central Asia includes conceptual framework of the legal regulatory structure of bilateral and multilateral cooperation.

The second stage is characterized by the realization of a number of joint projects in the field of transport communications, democratic transformations, regional security and stability.

The third stage of the relations is determined by acquiring of special geographical significance of the region of Central Asia resulting from the engagement of the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan in 2001.

The fourth stage has begun in 2015 with the adoption of the EU Strategy for a New Partnership with Central Asia for 2017-2021.

These studies serve as a basis for developing some important proposals and recommendations for the improvement of the effectiveness of cooperation between the parties.

The article reveals the meaning and components of the concept of «national idea» in the Japanese understanding, the relationship between the national idea and the state's foreign policy iplementation process, as well as the peculiarities of the Japanese political system. Domestic and external factors that had a significant impact on the process of forming the political culture of Japan, which at first glance has certain contradictions but which through the synthesis of social and political elements of the external world and its traditions made it possible to become a modern industrialized democratic state, are also researched. ; В данной статье раскрыты значение и составляющие компоненты понятия «национальная идея» в японском понимании, взаимосвязь японской идеи с процессом проведения внешней политики государства, а также особенности японской политической системы. Рассмотрены внутренние и внешние факторы, имевшие значительное воздействие на процесс формирования политической культуры Японии, в которой, на первый взгляд, существуют определенные противоречия, но которой удалось посредством синтеза социально-политических элементов внешнего мира и собственных традиций превратиться в современное индустриально развитое демократическое государство.

In this article, the importance ofAfghanistanfor South andEast Asiaand for regional security is assessed.Asiaas a whole and the south Asian region in particular is playing an increasingly important role in world politics and economy. It's believed that south Asia is moving forward and will be in a much better position both in politics and economy in the future of Asia and world. The region has been characterized by the dynamic inter-play of security, economic and diplomatic factors reinforcing each other owing to the complex nature of territorial claims and religious extremist activities.Afghanistanstrategic location is so important for south Asian countries likePakistan,Indiaand also forChina,IranandRussiastability and security in the region. AsAfghanistanis still a safe haven for international terrorists' groups and Taliban, therefore it's a serious threat to the region and world. Due to the geo-strategic Location of Afghanistan any problem will affect the region stability and security as it did in the past too. Further Successive regimes inPakistanhave tried their best to impose a favorable government inAfghanistanbut those policies harmed them only. ForChina, the importance ofAfghanistanbecomes evident from the internal security in Xinjiang region.Iranwould like to seeAfghanistanfree fromUSexistence. From other sideRussiaworry about the inflow of opium and other narcotics fromAfghanistanto the centralAsia. ; В статье оценивается важность Афганистана для Южной и Восточная Азии и ее региональной безопасности. Азия в целом и ее южный регион в частности играют все более важную роль в мировой политике и экономике. Полагаем, что Южная Азия развивается и будет иметь гораздо лучшие позиции в будущем как в политике, так и в экономике во всей Азии и мире в целом. Этот регион обусловлен динамичным взаимодействием экономических и дипломатических факторов и безопасности, усиливающих друг друга из-за сложного характера территориальных претензий и религиозной экстремистской деятельности. Стратегическое расположение Афганистана значимо для таких стран Азии как Пакистан, Индия, а также для Китая, Ирана и России для их стабильности и безопасности в регионе. Поскольку Афганистан по-прежнему является убежищем для международных террористических группировок и талибов, то он представляет собой серьезную угрозу для региона и мира в целом. Из-за геостратегического положения Афганистана любая существенная проблема будет влиять на стабильность и безопасность в регионе, как это было до недавнего времени. Дальнейшие сменяющие друг друга режимы в Пакистане убедительно старались навязать благоприятное правительство в Афганистане, но эта политика только навредила им. Для Китая важность Афганистана становится очевидной из-за внутренней безопасности в регионе Синьцзян. Иран хотел бы видеть Афганистан свободным от влияния США. С другой стороны, Россия обеспокоена притоком опиума и других наркотиков из Афганистана в Центральную Азию.

The object of research is the performance of ports in the East Coast of the Baltic Sea for the period from 1996 to 2016. By comparing the performance of Russian ports and ports in the Baltic States, the trend of significant growth in cargo turnover in the ports of the region is revealed. The aggregate cargo turnover in the ports of Russia and the Baltic States has increased 4.5-fold over the last 20 years. An analysis of the comparative performance of all the ports of the East Coast of the Baltic Sea for 20 years has shown their growing relevance in development of economic and trade relations between the Asian and European regions. Despite a sharp increase in cargo transshipment in the newly constructed Russian ports (24 times in 20 years), the ports of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia still show positive dynamics (twice in 20 years). Contrary to the current opinion on the decrease in the role of ports in the Baltic countries, the article shows the factors of their development, including the participation of Russian capital in the construction of new terminals in the ports of Latvia and Estonia (Riga, Sillamäe), and by attracting cargo from other regions (Lithuania, Klaipeda).All ports of the East Coast of the Baltic Sea Region have development of potential in expanding ties with the rapidly developing Asian region (China, India). The volumes of transit between Europe and Eurasia are constantly growing, and only in the first quarter of this year the supplies from Europe to China grew by 12 %, and from China to Europe – by 7 %, amounting to 62 billion USD and 81 billion USD respectively.An analysis of the Baltic ports is also important in connection with the development of the large and promising Belarusian project «Great Stone», of which the Chinese national logistics company is a partner and which should connect China via Belarus with the German port of Duisburg. Thus, the possibility of organizing multimodal transportation from Germany to China via the Riga port is being considered because of the limited capacity of the Polish and Slovak railways to transport Chinese goods through the Minsk logistics center «Great Stone» to Europe. In this context, the use of the Riga port with a large potential for development of the port territories can significantly strengthen its economic position, and thereby influence the growth of the Latvian economy.The following factors influence the development of transport corridors in the Baltic Sea Region in order of importance: geography, economics, politics, transport infrastructure and new technologies of logistics business. If we talk about the ports of the Baltic countries, then there is a narrowing of geographical plans due to the reorientation of cargo to Russian ports. The economy is influenced by tariff policy. The influence of politics is still great. The most optimistic is the impact of transport infrastructure. ; Показано, что за период 1996–2016 гг., после строительства ряда портов в Ленинградской области (Россия), объемы грузооборота в регионе Восточного побережья Балтийского моря выросли в 4,5 раза, в то время как в странах Балтии примерно в 2 раза. Сделан вывод, что положительная динамика мирового оборота морских грузов позволяет смотреть на будущее всех портов с оптимизмом. ; Показано, что за период 1996–2016 гг., после строительства ряда портов в Ленинградской области (Россия), объемы грузооборота в регионе Восточного побережья Балтийского моря выросли в 4,5 раза, в то время как в странах Балтии примерно в 2 раза. Сделан вывод, что положительная динамика мирового оборота морских грузов позволяет смотреть на будущее всех портов с оптимизмом.

The object of research is the performance of ports in the East Coast of the Baltic Sea for the period from 1996 to 2016. By comparing the performance of Russian ports and ports in the Baltic States, the trend of significant growth in cargo turnover in the ports of the region is revealed. The aggregate cargo turnover in the ports of Russia and the Baltic States has increased 4.5-fold over the last 20 years. An analysis of the comparative performance of all the ports of the East Coast of the Baltic Sea for 20 years has shown their growing relevance in development of economic and trade relations between the Asian and European regions. Despite a sharp increase in cargo transshipment in the newly constructed Russian ports (24 times in 20 years), the ports of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia still show positive dynamics (twice in 20 years). Contrary to the current opinion on the decrease in the role of ports in the Baltic countries, the article shows the factors of their development, including the participation of Russian capital in the construction of new terminals in the ports of Latvia and Estonia (Riga, Sillamäe), and by attracting cargo from other regions (Lithuania, Klaipeda).All ports of the East Coast of the Baltic Sea Region have development of potential in expanding ties with the rapidly developing Asian region (China, India). The volumes of transit between Europe and Eurasia are constantly growing, and only in the first quarter of this year the supplies from Europe to China grew by 12 %, and from China to Europe – by 7 %, amounting to 62 billion USD and 81 billion USD respectively.An analysis of the Baltic ports is also important in connection with the development of the large and promising Belarusian project «Great Stone», of which the Chinese national logistics company is a partner and which should connect China via Belarus with the German port of Duisburg. Thus, the possibility of organizing multimodal transportation from Germany to China via the Riga port is being considered because of the limited capacity of the Polish and Slovak railways to transport Chinese goods through the Minsk logistics center «Great Stone» to Europe. In this context, the use of the Riga port with a large potential for development of the port territories can significantly strengthen its economic position, and thereby influence the growth of the Latvian economy.The following factors influence the development of transport corridors in the Baltic Sea Region in order of importance: geography, economics, politics, transport infrastructure and new technologies of logistics business. If we talk about the ports of the Baltic countries, then there is a narrowing of geographical plans due to the reorientation of cargo to Russian ports. The economy is influenced by tariff policy. The influence of politics is still great. The most optimistic is the impact of transport infrastructure. ; Показано, что за период 1996–2016 гг., после строительства ряда портов в Ленинградской области (Россия), объемы грузооборота в регионе Восточного побережья Балтийского моря выросли в 4,5 раза, в то время как в странах Балтии примерно в 2 раза. Сделан вывод, что положительная динамика мирового оборота морских грузов позволяет смотреть на будущее всех портов с оптимизмом. ; Показано, что за период 1996–2016 гг., после строительства ряда портов в Ленинградской области (Россия), объемы грузооборота в регионе Восточного побережья Балтийского моря выросли в 4,5 раза, в то время как в странах Балтии примерно в 2 раза. Сделан вывод, что положительная динамика мирового оборота морских грузов позволяет смотреть на будущее всех портов с оптимизмом.

During the existence of theSoviet Unionthe influence of Islam on politics was minimized. In Soviet times, Islam in the Central Asian republics felt some oppression until the late 1950s. It was due to constant persecution and anti-religious propaganda within the framework of the Soviet policy of atheism. After Khrushchev's thaw there began a reverse process of gradual release of Islam from the underground, which culminated in the era of perestroika and glasnost. The weakening of the central government and the struggle of the foreign forces against theUSSRinstigated the development of radical Islamism in the region. This period was characterized by the revival, politicization and radicalization of Islam. ; За время существования СССР было минимизировано влияние ислама на политику. В советское время ислам в республиках Средней Азии ощущал некоторое притеснение вплоть до конца 1950-х годов. Это было связано с постоянными гонениями и антирелигиозной пропагандой в рамках советской политики атеизма. После хрущевской оттепели начался обратный процесс постепенного выхода ислама из подполья, который завершился в эпоху перестройки и гласности. Ослабление центральной власти и борьба внешних сил против СССР спровоцировали развитие в регионе радикального исламизма. Этот период характеризовался возрождением, политизацией и радикализацией ислама.

The traditional theme of "Me" and "the Other" in the light of modern politics and sociology reveals new problems connected to history of culture of different nations. Existential, social and psychological aspects of the relationship of Me and the Other present now a universal scale and thus require common efforts for their solutions. Mass migration from Asian and African countries to Europe and the USA poses new questions about mutual relations of cultures and religions. In front of Me there are new images of the Enemy emerging; they require a revision of the habitual values, including a new vision of a person's place in society, nature, and the importance of their scientific discoveries. ; Традиционная тема «Я и Другой» в свете современной политики, социологии обнаруживает новые проблемы, связанные с историей культуры разных народов. Экзистенциальные, социальные, психологические аспекты взаимосвязи Я и Другого приобретают общечеловеческое измерение, требуют для своего решения всеобщих усилий. Массовая миграция населения из стран Азии и Африки в Европу и США по-новому ставит вопросы взаимоотношения культур, религий. Перед Я возникают новые обличия Врага, что требует пересмотра ставших привычными ценностей, в том числе нового видения места человека в социуме, природе, значимости его научных достижений.