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This volume adopts a multidisciplinary and comparative approach to development that brings together issues that are characteristic of the lifelong scholarship of Professor Gordon White. These include a focus on the state, civil society, welfare and globalization.

Neopatrimonialism has emerged as the central conceptual label applied by scholars to understand the politics of the Central Asian republics. Like the use of neopatrimonialism in other regional settings, this article argues that the concept has become susceptible to concept misinformation and stretching. Adopting a critical perspective, this article highlights three significant problems with the application of neopatrimonialism in the study of Central Asian politics: its appropriateness and operationalisation; the difficulty in ontologically and empirically untangling the formal and informal; and an inherent normativity in its application. While not advocating an abandonment of the concept, the article considers instead how it can be used better in conjunction with additional analytical approaches and/or concepts. The article proffers that a focus on either formal-institutional structures; discourses of power; and the concept of 'multiple modernities' would aid comprehension of the region and resolve the three issues highlighted in this work.

This brief seeks to review the history of Asian American protest movements in the twentieth century and the political ramifications of historic Asian American stereotypes, such as the "model minority" and "perpetual foreigner" prejudices. It also assesses the consequences of these myths that may unfold if Asian Americans continue to feel excluded from political culture and society.

This article reflects on how the concept of regionalism has been used to explain and interpret Central Asian politics since independence. It argues that regionalism, often a norm-laden analytical category based on Eurocentric assumptions, tends to paint the region as "failed" and regional states as incapable of institutionalizing multilateral relations. In its place, the article suggests the concept of order, which is more neutral and—through its focus on the operation of sovereignty, diplomacy, international law, authoritarianism, and great power management—is able to incorporate elements of both the conflict and cooperation that have marked the region's politics since 1991. ; Publisher PDF ; Peer reviewed

Asian Americans are emerging as a political force and yet their politics have not been systematically studied by either social scientists or politicians. Asian American politics transcend simple questions of voting behavior and elective office, going all the way back to early immigration laws and all the way forward to ethnic targeting.For the first time, this book brings together original sources on key topics influencing Asian American politics, knit together by expert scholars who introduce each subject and place it in context with political events and the greater emerging literature. Court cases, legislation, demographics, and key pieces on topics ranging from gender to Japanese American redress to the Los Angeles riots to Wen Ho Lee round out this innovative reader on a politically active group likely to grow in number and electoral impact. ; https://scholarcommons.scu.edu/faculty_books/1264/thumbnail.jpg

International audience ; National and international health policies tend to equate the ''medical'' space of traditional medicines to that of biomedicine. Asian medicines are screened with regard to rationality, legality, proofs of efficacy and safety and their clinical validation reflects a normative approach, the social repercussions and political issues of which are examined in this paper. Therapeutic evaluation is subject to socio-political interests, fully expressed in the market of therapeutic evaluation. This paper examines the contribution of the macro-policies of health to this market expansion and the three characteristic features of this market: the global emergence of ethnopharmacology, the Asian debates centred on intellectual property rights and local knowledge, and the production of clinically-validated commodities.

This thesis looks at professional AIDS advocacy and the politics of community representation. Whereas such politics typically operates from an "insider" verses "outsider" paradigm, with emphasis on "authenticity," contemporary social service providers are blurring the boundaries of who can serve as representative members of particular ethnic communities. Indeed, while governmental bureaucratization and co-optation of the "AIDS problem" stages group conflict among marginalized populations over scarce institutional resources, organizations such as the Asian Pacific Islander AIDS Coalition Project (APICAP) respond by moving towards more inclusive though ambivalent model of community work. As an agency designed to target Asian Pacific Islanders living with HIV/AIDS in San Diego, through ethnographic work, I trace its evolution from a panethnic organization requiring API representatives to an all-inclusive one comprised mostly of non-Asians even though the necessity of Asian American representation remains paramount. I highlight APICAP as one example of a community-based organization struggling to move beyond essentialist and identity-based frameworks scholars while trying to forge cross-cultural alliances; this social service organization I believe epitomizes a new kind of politics of representation emerging from the post-Civil Rights AIDS era. My case study illustrates why community activism no longer signifies a politics produced through essentializing constructions of "communities of difference" and instead personal networks assembled around intersectional understandings of difference as well as critiques of social disenfranchisement. Lastly, it demonstrates how grassroots activism has changed conventional ideas about "the community" for the political demands of contemporary times

This paper seeks to discuss Southeast Asia's armed forces and their political impact on their respective societies in the light of the deepening transnationalization process in the region. It shall outline the points of similarity that broadly identify the nature of these military establishments in the regional context. It shall also indicate the distinctions among these armed forces to stress the fact that no armed forces are entirely similar to the others. Armed forces occupy important positions in State apparatuses. They are part and parcel of the State leadership and the decision making power bloc. The extent of their corporate interests spans not just the State but also the whole society. They influence State internal policies and external relations. Anti-communism has been the most enduring ideological value/belief among armed forces in the region. Most of them are organically linked with the United States and other Western powers.

Reprinted from The American Political Science Review (Vol. LXVII, No.1) March, 1973

Examining a diverse set of Asian American literary texts, this project explores the ways in which discourses of race, gender, class, sexuality and citizenship shape the articulation of emotions in Asian American Literature. While figures of the angry black man, the Latino gangster, and the Native American warrior abound in dominant American cultural narratives, Asian Americans have been constructed as the polar opposite: subdued, submissive, and accommodating. The figure of the angry Asian American remains a void in the dominant American cultural imaginary. One of the goals of this project is to interrogate and problematize the roots and implications of this absence. Placing anger within the historical, social and political contexts of war, colonialism, immigration and U.S. identity politics, I approach anger as a discourse that informs and shapes knowledge production and subject formation. The following questions animate my discussions: How is anger made legible in Asian American texts? What does anger suggest about the ways in which Asian Americans have been formed as subjects? How does anger complicate the notion of Asian American domesticity? Via a comparative study of Chang-rae Lee's A Gesture Life and lê thi diem thúy's The Gangster We are All Looking For , chapter one examines the inextricable connection between Asian Americans anger and the model minority myth. Chapter two, by means of discussing David Mura's memoirs Turning Japanese: Memoirs of a Sansei and Where the Body Meets Memory: An Odyssey of Race, Sexuality and Identity , investigates the relationship between anger and Asian American masculinity. Examining Monqiue Truong's The Book of Salt and Susan Choi's American Woman , chapter three builds on recent scholarship on notions of melancholia and loss to explore anger's productive potentials. The discussion of anger's productive possibilities and limitations is extended in chapter four, which traces a genealogy of Chinese American women's anger in Jade Snow Wong's Fifth Chinese Daughter , Maxine Hong Kingston's The Woman Warrior and Shirley Geok-lin Lim's Among the White Moon Faces: An Asian-American Memoir of Homelands .

Talking about the energy transition in East Asia is tantamount to placing it at the threshold of both a historical and transitional relationship with energy needs, production and consumption in the East and Southeast Asian context. For this reason, each of the articles in this Special Issue replaces, in their own way, the question of energy policies in the historical evolution experienced by the countries of the region or by regional inter-governmental bodies (Mekong Commission, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), ASEAN + 2, +3, +4). Despite the endless vows to maintain a collegial and cooperative spirit amongst partners and neighbors of the region and despite international pressures/agreements, these bodies are constantly struggling in achieving their original mission. In varying degrees, diversity characterizes not only the methods of managing this energy transition, but also the strategies adopted to respond to energy and de facto environmental challenges. Furthermore, it needs to be recognized that these environmental challenges are being approached more from a domestic policy platform than from an international or global one. The three chapters below highlight the complexity of the energy policies adopted in East and Southeast Asia, which is the subject of political and economic arbitrations being played out on several fronts (national, regional, international) in institutionalized forms (ASEAN, COP21, etc.) or otherwise (bilateral inter-ministerial decisions). The great range of actions and challenges, the insufficient coordination of energy policies and the competition between different governmental and institutional actors, have, until now, negated the possibility of a common, unified, and unidirectional Asian or Southeast Asian policy. ; Parler de la transition énergétique en Asie de l'Est revient à la placer au seuil d'une relation à la fois historique et transitoire avec les besoins, la production et la consommation d'énergie dans le contexte de l'Asie de l'Est et du Sud-Est. Pour cette raison, chacun des articles de ce numéro spécial remplace, à sa manière, la question des politiques énergétiques dans l'évolution historique vécue par les pays de la région ou par les instances intergouvernementales régionales (Commission du Mékong, Association of Southeast Nations asiatiques (ASEAN), ASEAN + 2, +3, +4). Malgré les vœux sans fin de maintenir un esprit collégial et coopératif entre les partenaires et voisins de la région et malgré les pressions / accords internationaux, ces organismes ont constamment du mal à réaliser leur mission initiale. À des degrés divers, la diversité caractérise non seulement les modes de gestion de cette transition énergétique, mais aussi les stratégies adoptées pour répondre aux enjeux énergétiques et environnementaux de facto. En outre, ces défis environnementaux sont davantage abordés à partir d'un point de vue de politique intérieure plutôt qu'internationale ou mondiale. Les trois chapitres ci-dessous mettent en évidence la complexité des politiques énergétiques adoptées en Asie de l'Est et du Sud-Est, qui fait l'objet d'arbitrages politiques et économiques se déroulant sur plusieurs fronts (national, régional, international) sous des formes institutionnalisées (ASEAN, COP21, etc.) ou autre (décisions interministérielles bilatérales). Le large éventail d'actions et de défis, la coordination insuffisante des politiques énergétiques et la concurrence entre les différents acteurs gouvernementaux et institutionnels ont jusqu'à présent écarté la possibilité d'une politique commune, unifiée et unidirectionnelle en Asie, de l'Est ou du Sud-Est.

The contemporary Asian Pacific American (APA) community consists of more than 30 ethnic groups with none representing a majority of the total APA population. 1 With the importance of racial group consciousness in US politics through power in numbers, the salience of panethnicity to APA politics remains unabated. Since Espiritu's (1992) influential work, past scholarship in the past two decades in the field of APA politics has examined the influence of APA candidates and elected officials on panethnic APA voter turnout and campaign contributions (Cho 1999; Lai 2000; 2011; Lai et al. 2001; Min 2014). Other studies focused on the racial positionality of APAs through statewide and national public opinion and voting behavior on issues that shape APA group consciousness (Junn and Masuoka 2008; Wong et al. 2011). The panethnic question often posited in these studies is whether APA ethnic groups will find common interests and ideology that bind a couple or several of them together or will they go it alone. Future scholarship on APA panethnicity must continue to interrogate these critical perspectives while examining newly emerging political contours that facilitate or inhibit panethnic identity, such as rising class disparities, emerging ideological movements on social-media platforms, and persisting transnational identities. Instead of framing the panethnic question as to whether APA ethnic groups can coalesce on issues and candidates in progressive, unified racial coalitions rather than going it alone, future studies should consider these political contours that embody the diversity of the larger APA community. In doing so, we can consider a future that is not limited to political cohesion as a single unified racial group but one in which there could be competing APA panethnic coalitions representing different political positions along the entire ideological spectrum.

Asian Americans constitute a newly emerging player in California local and state politics. The recent elections of Van Tran, Leland Yee, Alan Nakanishi, and Alberto Torrico to the California State Assembly not only serve as state-level examples of this point but also demonstrate the ethnic, partisan, and geographic diversity of eight Asian Americans in the California State Assembly.1 Although numerical gains have occurred at the state level, the local- level represents the area where Asian American candidates have found their greatest political success in California politics. For example, 68 Asian Americans currently serve on city councils throughout California, the largest number among all states, including Hawaii.2

This Handbook traces the uneven experiences that have accompanied development in Southeast Asia. The region is often considered to be a development success story; however, it is increasingly recognized that growth underpinning this development has been accompanied by patterns of inequality, violence, environmental degradation and cultural loss. In 30 chapters, written by established and emerging experts of the region, the Handbook examines development encounters through four thematic sections: • Approaching Southeast Asian development, • Institutions and economies of development, • People and development and • Environment and development. The authors draw from national or sub-national case studies to consider regional scale processes of development – tracing the uneven distribution of costs, risks and benefits. Core themes include the ongoing neoliberalization of development, issues of social and environmental justice and questions of agency and empowerment. This important reference work provides rich insights into the diverse impacts of current patterns of development and in doing so raises questions and challenges for realizing more equitable alternatives. It will be of value to students and scholars of Asian Studies, Development Studies, Human Geography, Political Ecology and Asian Politics.

We are living at a time when people appear to have become more aware of the power of narratives in international politics. Understanding how narratives exercise power is therefore more pertinent than ever. This special issue develops the concept of narrative power for international relations research by focusing on East Asia-the region that has been at the centre of debates about international power shifts since the 1990s. This introduction seeks to elucidate and define four key binary distinctions: (a) narrative power as understood from the perspective of an individualist versus a narrative ontology; (b) narrative power as explanandum versus explanans; (c) narrative power as more prone to continuity or change; and (d) the scholar as a detached observer of narrative power versus the scholar as a narrative entrepreneur and a potential wielder of power. Informed by the individual contributions, the introduction demonstrates how and with what implications research on narrative power can negotiate and traverse these binary distinctions.