Suchergebnisse

Wang, Jing. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138-142). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract ; Acknowledgements ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.7 ; Chapter A. --- Background leading to the research question --- p.7 ; Chapter I. --- The socialist legacy: the institutional failure of China ´ةs labor regime --- p.8 ; Chapter II. --- Society in action: the emergence of migrant worker NGOs --- p.10 ; Chapter B. --- Research Question --- p.16 ; Chapter C. --- Significance of the research --- p.18 ; Chapter D. --- Research Structure --- p.21 ; Chapter I. --- Relationship with official trade unions --- p.22 ; Chapter II. --- Relationship with enterprises (suppliers and MNCs) --- p.22 ; Chapter III. --- Relationship with foreign NGOs --- p.24 ; Chapter F. --- The Organization of the Thesis --- p.24 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Literature Review --- p.26 ; Chapter A. --- State-society relations: a Civil Society Perspective --- p.27 ; Chapter B. --- Industrial relations as Embedded in the State-society Relations --- p.35 ; Chapter C. --- Major Inadequacies in Literatures --- p.40 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Methodology --- p.42 ; Chapter A. --- Research Question and Research Design --- p.42 ; Chapter B. --- Justifications for Case Study as an Appropriate Method for this Research --- p.44 ; Chapter C. --- Selection of the Case --- p.48 ; Chapter D. --- Conducting Case Studies --- p.49 ; Chapter E. --- Problems Associated with the Case Study --- p.51 ; Chapter F. --- Summary --- p.51 ; Chapter Chapter Four: --- Impoverishment of Migrant Labor: Global Capitalism and China's Urban-rural Structural Divide --- p.51 ; Chapter A. --- Global Capitalism: the Political Economy of Export-orientated Industry --- p.55 ; Chapter B. --- Labor Regime Facilitative to Exploitation --- p.59 ; Chapter C. --- The Socio-political Underpinnings of the Labor Regime: Residence Registration System and Two-tier Labor Market --- p.63 ; Chapter D. --- ...

Chang Kwun-Hung. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 184-189). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction ; Chapter 1.1 --- The approach of this thesis --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Criticisms on Rawls --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Influences from Marx --- p.13 ; Chapter 1.4 --- "Socialism, market, and democracy" --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Why should we need equality? --- p.18 ; Chapter 2. --- Complex Equality and Distributive Justice ; Chapter 2.1 --- Social goods and distributive spheres --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Problems on simple equality --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Complex equality and reduction of dominance --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Blocked exchange and free exchanges --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Natural endowments and desert --- p.40 ; Chapter 3. --- Criticisms on Walzer's theory of social goods ; Chapter 3.1 --- Loose link between social meanings and distributive principles --- p.47 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Moral considerations and principle of utility --- p.50 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Basic needs and communal provision --- p.56 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Unclear boundaries between social goods --- p.60 ; Chapter 4. --- Citizenship and shared understandings of social goods ; Chapter 4.1 --- Democratic citizenship and political power --- p.70 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Decentralized democratic socialism --- p.77 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Ruled by citizens or ruled by specialists? --- p.79 ; Chapter 4.4 --- Shared understandings of social welfare --- p.81 ; Chapter 4.41 --- Medical care ; Chapter 4.42 --- Education ; Chapter 4.5 --- Art of separation --- p.91 ; Chapter 5. --- Interpretation and social criticism ; Chapter 5.1 --- Interpretation thesis --- p.99 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Social criticism --- p.111 ; Chapter 5.3 --- Dworkin-Walzer debate --- p.118 ; Chapter 6. --- Problems with Walzer's interpretation thesis ; Chapter 6.1 --- The possibility of social criticisms made by another society --- p.132 ; Chapter 6.2 --- Refutation of interpretation thesis --- p.139 ...

Tsang, Stephanie Jean. ; "September 2011." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-151). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendix includes Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Theoretical Background --- p.12 ; Deliberative and Participatory Democracies --- p.12 ; Interpersonal Discussion --- p.25 ; Online Political Engagement --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Framework --- p.45 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Design and Methods --- p.64 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Analysis and Results --- p.76 ; Results - Content Analysis --- p.76 ; Results - Survey --- p.82 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- Discussions --- p.97 ; Chapter Chapter 7: --- Limitations and Future Studies --- p.114 ; Chapter Chapter 8: --- Appendices --- p.118 ; Appendix A --- p.118 ; Appendix B --- p.120 ; Chapter Chapter 9: --- References --- p.137

Lee Chun Wing John. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 169-181). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.1 ; Acknowledgements --- p.3 ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.6 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Literature Review and Methodology --- p.13 ; Theories in Social Movements --- p.13 ; High-risk Activism --- p.20 ; Collective Identity and Personal/Individual Identity --- p.22 ; Frame Analysis and Identity --- p.29 ; Sources of Data --- p.31 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Who are They? --- p.36 ; The Emergence of the Hong Kong Identity --- p.37 ; Phase One --- p.42 ; Phase Two --- p.46 ; Phase Three --- p.51 ; Phase Four --- p.57 ; Phase Five --- p.62 ; Phase Six --- p.66 ; Summary --- p.69 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Who are We? --- p.71 ; What is Collective Identity? --- p.72 ; A Common Objective --- p.75 ; Negotiation --- p.80 ; Consciousness: Rule of Law? --- p.84 ; Consciousness: Rights --- p.86 ; Affection Developed through Interaction --- p.92 ; Lack of Unity --- p.98 ; ´بSaiWan´ة --- p.100 ; Summary --- p.103 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Who am I? (I) --- p.107 ; Social Identity Theory and Social Movements --- p.108 ; Relative Deprivation --- p.114 ; Illegitimate Inequality --- p.120 ; Views on Outgroups --- p.120 ; Movement Not the Best Option --- p.123 ; Fighting for Individual Status Improvement? --- p.127 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- Who am I? (II) --- p.131 ; Identity Theory --- p.132 ; A 'Child' Identity --- p.136 ; Psychological Centrality --- p.139 ; Commitments --- p.142 ; Changes after Participation --- p.145 ; Summary --- p.147 ; Chapter Chapter 7: --- Conclusion --- p.150 ; Why They Participated? --- p.150 ; Why Some of Them are so Committed? Why Some of them Want to Quit? --- p.153 ; Politics and the Right of Abode Movement --- p.156 ; Implications --- p.159 ; Identity Politics? --- p.163 ; Appendix --- p.167 ; Bibliography --- p.169

現代信息技術,以其多元、快速的優勢使人們對中國的民主抱以樂觀的態度。公民參與是一個健康的民主制度的核心要素,如何促進公民的政治參與一直是政治參與研究領域的焦點問題。在互聯網時代,尤其是社交媒體的出現,其廉價、方便、互動性的技術優勢大大增加了政治參與的可行性。大學學生是"互聯網一代"和中國知識分子的代表。因此,了解他們的社會媒體使用行為如何影響其政治知識、政治感知和政治行為、對於認識未來中國的政治變革是重要的。本研究提出"社交媒體使用"及"在線新聞使用"兩個概念,並以此視作政治參與和民主實踐研究範疇下的新討論焦點。 ; 本研究主要探討以下問題:(1)大學生通過何種渠道在線獲取新聞;(2)大學生使用不同的媒體平台獲取新聞的情況如何;(3)在線新聞使用同傳統新聞媒體使用之間的關係如何;(4)計算機能力,互聯網自我效能感,在線和離線新聞使用,社交媒體使用,政治知識,政治效能,政治信任和政治參與等核心變量之間的關係; 以及(5)計算機能力,互聯網自我效能感,在線和離線新聞使用,社交媒體使用之於政治知識、政治感知和政治參與的相對重要性。 ; 本研究採用定量的研究方法。研究的主體是對中國大陸在校大學本科及研究生進行問卷調查;調查前,焦點小組輔助研究結構建立與問卷設計。問卷調查採用多階層整群抽樣的方法,在北京抽取了兩所"elite工程"大學,在長春及杭州各抽取一所非"elite工程"大學的學生參與,樣本數量為624人。研究結果顯示,當中97.4% 的受訪者均使用互聯網獲取新聞。因子分析結果顯示,中國內地大學生主要經由三種信息渠道在線獲取新聞,分別是海外新聞渠道、社交媒體渠道,以及官方新聞渠道。不同信息渠道的使用者其政治常識、政治效能和政治信任亦有所區別。同時,本研究還發現傳統新聞同網絡新聞的使用之間存在互補的關係。 ; 研究結果顯示,人口學變量超越社交媒體和在線新聞使用兩個變量對中國內地大學生的政治認知及政治知識的形成發揮最重要的作用。研究還發現社交媒體和在線新聞在促進線上和線下政治參與方面具有很大潛力。結論部分將詳述本研究的貢獻與實踐意義。 ; Citizen participation is a core element of a healthy democracy, and what facilitates citizens' political activities has long been a central interest in political participation research. In the age of the Internet, especially with the appearance of social media, political participation is greatly facilitated by technology that makes information inexpensive, accessible, and interactive. Modern information technology, with its pluralism and fast speed, has made people optimistic about democracy. University students represent the Net generation and intellectuals in China; therefore, understanding how their social media use affects political knowledge, perception, and participation is valuable, to bring political change to China in the future. ; Expanding the line of previous research, this study aims to address the question of the democratic implications of social media use and online news seeking from the vantage point of how individuals seek news online and how such use may be related to several key indications of individuals' engagement in political life as citizens. Specifically, this study examines (a) the sources through which university students ...

Zhang Weiyu. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 170-177). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter I --- Subaltern Public Spheres on the Internet --- p.5 ; Democracy and the Internet --- p.5 ; Public sphere as a democratic ideal --- p.7 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Habermasian public sphere --- p.8 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Multiple public spheres --- p.11 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Habermasian public sphere vs. multiple public spheres --- p.17 ; Public sphere and the Internet --- p.21 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Habermasian public sphere on the Internet --- p.23 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Multiple public spheres on the Internet --- p.27 ; Chapter II --- Subaltern Public Spheres in China --- p.30 ; The history of Chinese civil society --- p.30 ; Civil society in contemporary China --- p.32 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Definitions of civil society --- p.32 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Trade union and the caged social organizations --- p.34 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Entrepreneurial class and the incorporated social organizations --- p.36 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Discussions --- p.38 ; Multiple public spheres in contemporary China --- p.39 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Mass media and the dominant public sphere --- p.41 ; Chapter ´Ø --- The premises of subaltern public sphere in China --- p.42 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Subaltern public spheres in contemporary China --- p.44 ; Chapter III --- Research Questions and Research Design --- p.48 ; Research questions --- p.48 ; Research site: an online discussion board of movies --- p.48 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Why BBS? --- p.49 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Why movies? --- p.51 ; Research methods --- p.54 ; Chapter IV --- Bulletin Boards as Subaltern Public Spheres --- p.57 ; Introduction of Rear Window --- p.58 ; Chapter ´Ø --- The development of Rear Window --- p.59 ; Chapter ´Ø --- The contents on Rear Window --- p.61 ; Chapter ´Ø --- The users of Rear Window --- p.63 ; Accessibility of Rear Window --- p.65 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Accessibility of the Internet in China --- p.65 ; Chapter ´Ø --- Accessibility of ...

微博在中国的互联网上十分流行,这对中国宣传机构的信息控制形成了新的挑战。微博可以使信息得到快速和广泛的传播,从而增加了国家宣传机器进行信息控制的难度。本文试图探讨微博可以在多大程度上帮助网民挑战政府对信息的控制。通过分析在新浪微博上收集的数据,本文发现微博对宣传工作的挑战有四种机制。首先,基于对微博上热门政治信息的分析,本文发现微博上的部分话语权由媒体转向个人,同时出现了一批对政府持批判态度的超级网民。其次,对于一些热点事件,微博与传统媒体的报道角度与侧重点不同,从而使得中国的政治信息更加多元化 。第三,虽然中央政府可以实现对微博的有效审查,但地方政府时常不能控制微博上的报道。第四,网民通过微博上的信息运动,可以将某些传统媒体不愿报道的事件问题化,这对中国传统媒体的自我审查形成了冲击。本文认为微博可以帮助人民挑战国家的信息控制。 ; The micro-blog, with its huge popularity in recent years, poses a new challenge to the propaganda state in China. The micro-blog is able to spread information fast and reach a wide audience. The liberating potential of the micro-blog on the information flow is in conflict with the control efforts from the propaganda state. It is puzzling then the extent to which the netizens are able to use the micro-blog to counter the information control. Based on the data collected from Sina Weibo, this study finds the propaganda state is challenged by the micro-blog through four mechanisms. First, analysis of political posts demonstrates a partial shift of discursive power from media to individuals and a rise of critical super-netizens in the micro-blog. Second, the posts in the micro-blog report the controversial issues in a different way than the traditional media that contributes to the pluralization of political information. Third, the netizens are able to use the micro-blog to expose certain information that the local government would like to censor. Forth, the netizens are able to problematize certain issues through information movement that challenge the self-censorship of media. This study concludes that the micro-blog is able to empower the people in the battle between state and society on what is fit to know. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Yang, Shen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-98). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES --- p.VI ; Chapter CHAPTER I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- ...

Cheung Kin Hang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 76-97). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction ; Divergent meanings of trust and institution --- p.1 ; Research questions --- p.1 ; Structure of thesis --- p.3 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Trust and Bounded Rationality ; Meaning and the four key elements of trust --- p.5 ; Plausible loss due to lack of certainty --- p.7 ; Positive expectation by a trusting party --- p.8 ; Relevance to human interaction --- p.9 ; Intentionality --- p.10 ; Trust and Rationality --- p.13 ; Herbert Simon's bounded rationality --- p.13 ; "Bounded rationality, use of authority, and trust" --- p.18 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Theory of Institution ; Institutionalisms in Politics and Exchange of Insights --- p.23 ; Understanding of North's Works --- p.25 ; North's understanding of human rationality and economic performance --- p.25 ; "Core idea, major traits of institution and its relationship with actors" --- p.30 ; Learning and Accumulation of Experiences --- p.38 ; Plasticity of human brain --- p.44 ; Path dependence and change of institution --- p.47 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Trust and Institution ; Divergent understandings of relationship of trust and institution --- p.54 ; At the neural level: institutionalized experience and neural systems for trust --- p.57 ; At interpersonal and organizational level: reciprocal trust and impacts of empowerment --- p.62 ; At organizational and macro-social level: deprivation experience and social violence --- p.68 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Conclusion --- p.73 ; References --- p.76

本文主要研究十九世紀末二十世紀初的一種傳統民間藝術--年畫。這短短的幾十年見證了在中國發生的一系列翻天覆地的社會政治變化:清政府的垮臺,外國勢力的入侵,以及西方先進技術與思想的引入;這些變化我們都可以在這一時期的年畫中找到。本文的地點範圍主要集中于天津楊柳青,另外其他中國北方的年畫產地的年畫,如武強、楊家埠,以及江蘇的桃花塢等,也會在文章因行文需要而被提到。總的來說,本文分為三個大部份,也就是年畫的生產、內容和消費。我認為這些新內容之所以在年畫中出現主要有三個原因:首先,西方先進印刷技術和新的繪畫風格的引入讓年畫內容的轉變有了可能性;其次一些維新人士創辦的畫報和報刊也對年畫的發展產生了影響;最後便是民初時期民國政府採取的對年畫的干涉。本文將這些在年畫中出現的新的主題進行了詳細的探討。一方面,我們可以發現反帝和其他愛國的內容被放入年畫,以此激發百姓的愛國情緒。與傳統年畫主要關注家庭這一點不同的是,改良年畫的重心放在了保衛國家這個更高的主題上。另一方面,在這類年畫中,婦女不再被認為是男人的附屬品,它們鼓勵婦女實現經濟和人格上的獨立,並且有必要的話,也可以成為士兵,加入到保家衛國的行列中。最後一方面,西方先進事物的引入,如鐘錶、自行車、火車和飛機等,為大眾引領了一種新的物質文化,也在不知不覺中改變中百姓的日常生活習慣。作為結論,我提出改良年畫是大眾文化和精英文化互動產生的結果。它們大多數都是在民國政府的提倡之下而生產的,但是年畫的商業本質決定了它需要有一定的市場以保證盈利。這樣,傳統年畫的形式被保留了下來,同時改革家和當權者為其填入了新的思想和觀念,用來教育廣大百姓。這種"舊瓶裝新酒的宣傳方式雖然效果在清末民初效果不佳,但是它卻在某種程度上為中國作為一個現代國家的出現奠定了基礎。 ; This research examines nianhua年畫 (New Year pictures), a form of traditional folk art, from the late nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries. This time period witnessed a series of dramatic social and political changes in China: the collapse of Qing Dynasty, invasions of foreign powers, and introduction of Western advanced technologies and ideas, all of which could be found in nianhua prints. The spatial focus is mainly on Yangliuqing楊柳青, a town very close to Tianjin. However, nianhua produced in other places in North China, such as Wuqiang武強 and Yangjiabu楊家埠, and those from Taohuawu桃花塢 in the Yangzi River Delta, will also be mentioned, for some of them are of great use in my writings. Generally, this study has three sections: the production and circulation of nianhua in Yangliuqing, the contents of nianhua with new elements, and how common people reacted to the reformed nianhua. I demonstrate that the import of Western advanced printing technologies and painting styles, pictorials and vernacular newspapers published by social reformers, and the involvement of Republican government were the major reasons for the appearance of new elements in nianhua. Then the new themes in nianhua are discussed in details. First of all, anti-imperialist and other patriotic topics are ...

有關臺灣邊地的拓墾研究,往往傾向研究土地拓墾的過程與組織。其基本論述架構是漢墾戶向官方申請墾照後,官府將界外未墾的荒埔提供給漢人開墾,漢人如何自力或與官方合作經營的結果。這類的研究論述忽略了原來早已存在的非法拓墾行動一直沒有消失。拓墾的申請與其說是新的程序,不如說是一種合法化的過程。也正是這樣一種認知脈絡下,內山設隘開墾的組織就不是表面上所認識的是一批為官方守邊,或是因生番擾害而防番的一支武力組織。十九世紀初隘的設防已逐漸成為一種界外開墾的管道,清代官方檔案也提醒我們注意這些界外開墾的墾戶不僅沒有防番,可能還一直與生番有貿易來往關係。換言之,這些以防番為名的墾戶其實是假借防番為名,掩護越界開墾之實,其向官府強調「生番擾害」的原因只是為自己取得更大界外土地開墾的正當性。 ; 道光年間以前這類非法開墾早已經存在,官方也早已發現界外越墾的問題,因此如何控制界外開墾乃成為官方邊地控制的一大課題。為了處理這些問題,官府不斷調整其政策與設定邊界,從乾隆到道光年以後,這些邊界的浮動,與其說是官方主動規畫計議的結果,不如說是漢人與熟番通過各種途徑越界開墾,建構地權主張、操弄挪移既有的邊界後,官府最終追認的結果。臺灣邊界的變動以及隘墾區的拓墾顯示清代官方政策的實踐是不斷在向地方社會的現實妥協中逐漸調整的,而地方社會也在官方政策的模糊空間中,藉由官方的名義與權威,尋求自己利益的伸張與庇護。這便是臺灣邊地所顯現的一幅國家與地方互動的景象。臺灣作為清王朝帝國的邊疆,其邊地社會的建構,除了幫助我們把握臺灣整體歷史進程的理解外,也提供我們從一側面掌握清帝國擴張的內在軌跡與多元族群統治下的彈性策略。 ; Existing studies on land cultivation in Taiwan's frontier have the focus on its process and organizations. The most popular narrative is that the Han Chinese cultivators were granted the right to the waste land from the government. What is missed out in the narrative is the fact that illegal cultivation that had lasted for so long had never disappeared; therefore the application for license was little more than a move of self-legitimating. In light of this, the organizations which set up forts and managed land cultivation should not be taken on surface value that their purpose was to safeguard the border for the government or defend against the harassment of the aborigines. The forts became a system of land cultivation beyond the border, and the official documents evidenced the fact that cultivators did not defend against the aborigines, rather, they kept doing businesses with them. In other words, the cultivators in the name of self-defending were actually to cover their illegal activities and to grabbing more land, and for that purpose they emphasized the "harassment of the raw aborigines". ; Illegal activities had already existed before mid-Qing. The government was aware of this border control issues and had adjusted its cultivation and border policies. The line was not planned by the government; it was just government ...