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In a global economic context where the WTO is losing momentum, nations experiment all sorts of agreements which are likely to help them implement their international integration strategies: bilateral, strategic, regional, cooperation, association agreements, etc. It results in a competition between the United States and the European Union to win the most important market in Latin America, Mercosur, which now enjoys a favourable context and can choose its partners. Since the Free TradeArea of the Americas project was rejected, the game of seduction benefits Europe for it has offered a more complete project including cooperation for development, a deeper political dialogue and a free trade area. Furthermore,the negotiations opened in 1999 with a view to getting to a so-called "association" agreement between the two regional integration systems, symbolise the emergence of a new concept: "interregionalism"Why were those 12 years of negotiation notsufficient to reach a consensus on the terms ofthe association?The complexity of the files, the number ofcountries involved, the agricultural issue andthe lack of consulting from the private sectorare all clues to be taken into consideration.The interest of this research lies in theperspective given by political and economicstakeholders from the two regions. Meetingthem and analysing their speeches helped meshow that the private sector has not beendirectly consulted at all during thenegotiations. In addition, the economicstakeholders have expressed their will to bepart of the process. The private sector alsocalled out the Universities, reminding the rolethey can play in the evolution of therelationship between the two regions. ; Tandis que l'OMC éprouve des difficultés à réglementer le commerce, les nations expérimentent tous types d'accordssusceptibles de favoriser leur stratégie d'insertion internationale : bilatéraux, stratégiques, régionaux, de coopération,d'association, etc. Les États-unis et l'Union européenne sont en concurrence face au plus important ...

Analysis of the association agreement signed between the EEC and Poland in Dec. 1991. Summary in English p. 258.

In a global economic context where the WTO is losing momentum, nations experiment all sorts of agreements which are likely to help them implement their international integration strategies: bilateral, strategic, regional, cooperation, association agreements, etc. It results in a competition between the United States and the European Union to win the most important market in Latin America, Mercosur, which now enjoys a favourable context and can choose its partners. Since the Free TradeArea of the Americas project was rejected, the game of seduction benefits Europe for it has offered a more complete project including cooperation for development, a deeper political dialogue and a free trade area. Furthermore,the negotiations opened in 1999 with a view to getting to a so-called "association" agreement between the two regional integration systems, symbolise the emergence of a new concept: "interregionalism"Why were those 12 years of negotiation notsufficient to reach a consensus on the terms ofthe association?The complexity of the files, the number ofcountries involved, the agricultural issue andthe lack of consulting from the private sectorare all clues to be taken into consideration.The interest of this research lies in theperspective given by political and economicstakeholders from the two regions. Meetingthem and analysing their speeches helped meshow that the private sector has not beendirectly consulted at all during thenegotiations. In addition, the economicstakeholders have expressed their will to bepart of the process. The private sector alsocalled out the Universities, reminding the rolethey can play in the evolution of therelationship between the two regions. ; Tandis que l'OMC éprouve des difficultés à réglementer le commerce, les nations expérimentent tous types d'accordssusceptibles de favoriser leur stratégie d'insertion internationale : bilatéraux, stratégiques, régionaux, de coopération,d'association, etc. Les États-unis et l'Union européenne sont en concurrence face au plus important marchélatino-américain, le Mercosud, lequel bénéficie désormais d'un contexte favorable l'autorisant à choisir ses partenaires. Depuis le rejet du projet de ZLEA, le jeu de séduction tourne à l'avantage de l'Europe qui a su proposer un projet plus complet incluant la coopération pour le développement, l'approfondissement du dialogue politique et la libéralisation deséchanges. L'ouverture de négociations en 1999 en vue de parvenir à un accord, dit d'association, entre les deux systèmesd'intégration régionale, symbolise l'apparition d'un concept nouveau : l'« interrégionalisme»Pourquoi 12 années de négociations n'ont-ellespas été suffisantes pour parvenir à unconsensus sur les termes de l'association ?L'acuité des dossiers, le nombre de paysimpliqués, le « noeud agricole, l'absence deconsultation du secteur privé, sont autantd'éléments à prendre en considération. Cetravail synthétise un processus de négociationcomplexe et présente la particularité d'inclurele secteur privé. En partant à la rencontre, desacteurs politiques et économiques, des deuxrégions, on observe que le secteur privén'occupe pas la place qui lui revient de droitdans ce projet. Il ne manque pas de le rappelerici et, ce faisant, interpelle l'Université sur lerôle qu'elle a à jouer dans l'évolution desrelations entre l'Europe et le Mercosud

Morocco's relations with the European community are old, continuous and particular. This particularity is explained by various factors: geographical, historical, economic and political. These particular links knew interesting stages by the passage of the association phase in 1969 to that of co-operation in 1976 then to that of partnership in 1995. In this thesis these agreements were studied and analyzed. We noted that the first two agreements comprise limits binding to the agreements themselves and of the inherent limits to realities legal and political of the two partners. But, we must admit that these agreements allowed to give a legal framework for the relationship between the two partners, allowing Europe to contribute effectively to the development of Morocco. The second part of this thesis was devoted to the study of the association agreement of 1996. In terms of results with a few achievements, the contents of the agreement remain timid, whether in economic, political and social. In conclusion we can note that the association relationship, of co-operation then of partnership could not contribute to the growth of the Moroccan economy. The development and the promotion of effective cooperation for the prosperity of Europe and the development of Morocco are subject to the adoption of a real strategy for self-development. These reforms must touch the political, economic, social, legal and cultural fields and they should be located strictly at the national, regional and European levels. ; Les relations du Maroc avec la communauté européenne sont anciennes, continues et empreintes d"un cacher particulier qui s"explique par différents facteurs : géographique, historique, économique et politique. Ces liens particuliers ont connu des étapes intéressantes s"agissant du passage de la phase d"association en 1969 à celle de coopération en 1976 et à celle de partenariat en 1995. Dans cette thèse ces accords ont été étudiés et analysés. Nous avons constaté que les deux premiers accords comportent des limites liant aux ...

Morocco's relations with the European community are old, continuous and particular. This particularity is explained by various factors: geographical, historical, economic and political. These particular links knew interesting stages by the passage of the association phase in 1969 to that of co-operation in 1976 then to that of partnership in 1995. In this thesis these agreements were studied and analyzed. We noted that the first two agreements comprise limits binding to the agreements themselves and of the inherent limits to realities legal and political of the two partners. But, we must admit that these agreements allowed to give a legal framework for the relationship between the two partners, allowing Europe to contribute effectively to the development of Morocco. The second part of this thesis was devoted to the study of the association agreement of 1996. In terms of results with a few achievements, the contents of the agreement remain timid, whether in economic, political and social. In conclusion we can note that the association relationship, of co-operation then of partnership could not contribute to the growth of the Moroccan economy. The development and the promotion of effective cooperation for the prosperity of Europe and the development of Morocco are subject to the adoption of a real strategy for self-development. These reforms must touch the political, economic, social, legal and cultural fields and they should be located strictly at the national, regional and European levels. ; Les relations du Maroc avec la communauté européenne sont anciennes, continues et empreintes d"un cacher particulier qui s"explique par différents facteurs : géographique, historique, économique et politique. Ces liens particuliers ont connu des étapes intéressantes s"agissant du passage de la phase d"association en 1969 à celle de coopération en 1976 et à celle de partenariat en 1995. Dans cette thèse ces accords ont été étudiés et analysés. Nous avons constaté que les deux premiers accords comportent des limites liant aux ...

The Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine made history because it was one of the elements that triggered the most serious international crisis of the early twenty-first century in Europe. This treaty has been the subject of many very contradictory representations : Kremlin supporters critized it harshly. The Ukrainian opposition - now in power - incensed it . The EU trivialized it by including it in the continuity of its neighborhood policy. Facing so contradictory opinion , this article returns to the reality of the text behind the controversies. He dissects the material and Institutional nature of this association agreement in comparing it to rather similar agreements such as the one concluded with the countries of the European Free Trade Association in order to to show the similarities and the differences.

The administration's use of associations formed under the law of 1901. Supplementary report

The Administration's use of associations set up under the terms of the 1901 Law constitutes a new departure in more than one respect.
Not only with regard to the objectives sought, i.e. flexibility, concerted action, reduction of cost, but also with regard to the increasing number of means employed since the association is often governed by a contract, a standard charter or an agreement.
When the Administration finds itself confronted by certain situations and obliged to deal with specific needs, it has a whole series of methods at its disposal, of which the association is one. The choice of the most appropriate legal form for its administrative purpose is, in fact, dictated mainly by pragmatic considerations. What therefore needs to be done is to de fine the various categories of association and apply a suitable set of regulations to each.

In the Western Balkans, only Croatia & the Republic of Macedonia are current recognized as EU candidates. All the other states are still waiting for Stabilization & Association Agreements (SAA) or candidate country status. Firstly, the ethnical & religious mosaic of Balkans is described with a reminder of its tumultuous history, ending with the agony of Yugoslavia. Secondly, recent economic developments are outlined. Needs for large-scale support from the EU -- a basic condition for future recovery -- are finally emphasized & quantified. Graphs. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; Cet article analyse la façon dont la société civile représentant le secteur privé s'est organisée en Amérique du Nord en réponse aux mesures sécuritaires mises en place suite aux attentats du 11 septembre 2001. Ces dernières ayant induit un phénomène d'épaississement de la frontière Canada/Etats-Unis qui a eu un impact négatif sur les relations commerciales des deux voisins nord-américains, les représentants du secteur privé ont dû s'organiser et développer un activisme économique afin de rendre davantage de flexibilité à la frontière. Leur rôle actif a permis notamment la mise en place d'un accord bilatéral entre le Canada et les Etats-Unis, l'accord « Par-delà la frontière ». Mots-clés : frontière, Canada, Etats-Unis, intégration, sécurité, activisme économique 1 Titre d'un rapport publié en 2009 par la Chambre de Commerce du Canada. Abstract This paper analyzes how the civil society that represents the private sector has organized itself since 9/11 as a response to the security measures put in place in North America. These security measures have contributed to a « thickening » of the Canada/US border, which has had a negative impact on the Canada/US trading relationship. As a consequence, the representatives of the main sectors and the most important companies have launched a new kind of « economic activism » in order to lobby the American and the Canadian governments and impart some flexibility back to the international border. Their active role has namely led to the implementation of a bilateral agreement between the two North American neighbors, the « Beyond the Border Agreement ».

International audience ; Cet article analyse la façon dont la société civile représentant le secteur privé s'est organisée en Amérique du Nord en réponse aux mesures sécuritaires mises en place suite aux attentats du 11 septembre 2001. Ces dernières ayant induit un phénomène d'épaississement de la frontière Canada/Etats-Unis qui a eu un impact négatif sur les relations commerciales des deux voisins nord-américains, les représentants du secteur privé ont dû s'organiser et développer un activisme économique afin de rendre davantage de flexibilité à la frontière. Leur rôle actif a permis notamment la mise en place d'un accord bilatéral entre le Canada et les Etats-Unis, l'accord « Par-delà la frontière ». Mots-clés : frontière, Canada, Etats-Unis, intégration, sécurité, activisme économique 1 Titre d'un rapport publié en 2009 par la Chambre de Commerce du Canada. Abstract This paper analyzes how the civil society that represents the private sector has organized itself since 9/11 as a response to the security measures put in place in North America. These security measures have contributed to a « thickening » of the Canada/US border, which has had a negative impact on the Canada/US trading relationship. As a consequence, the representatives of the main sectors and the most important companies have launched a new kind of « economic activism » in order to lobby the American and the Canadian governments and impart some flexibility back to the international border. Their active role has namely led to the implementation of a bilateral agreement between the two North American neighbors, the « Beyond the Border Agreement ».

After twenty years of procrastination, Moldova has resolutely chosen the path of Europe. On 27 June, the former Soviet republic, populated by 3.6 million people, signed an association agreement with the European Union, together with an agreement for 'deep and comprehensive free trade'. As might be expected, the Russian neighbor who, in turn, sought to convince Chisinau to join a customs union under its umbrella has hardly appreciated. The choice of Moldova was all the more difficult as Ukraine, punished for having said 'no' to the Eurasian Union Putin, had just lost the Crimea and the Donbass region saw driven on the path of separatism controlled from Moscow. Sanctions were quick: from autumn 2013, Moscow decreed an embargo on wine and in June 2014, in the wake of the signing of the Association Agreement, on the Moldovan fruit. But the Kremlin has another trump card: Transnistria. This small secessionist republic not recognized by the international community, populated by 500,000 inhabitants, broke away from Moldova after the war called 'civil' in 1992. It is one of those post-Soviet separatist entities which Russia uses to preserve its sphere of influence. When Moscow annexed Crimea via a referendum parody March 16, 2014, the Transnistrian power expressed the wish to see the republic attached to the Russian Federation. But this threat, like all the pressure on Chisinau for two decades by the separatist entity, have finally proved against-productive: Moldovan leaders have come to understand that they probably never would recover this territory and that future of their country was in the West. Adapted from the source document.

Među pravilima primjenjivim u upravnom sporu, osobito treba istaknuti ona izvedena iz Europske konvencije za zaštitu ljudskih prava i temeljnih sloboda. Isto tako, upravno je sudovanje prihvatilo, nakon odluke Državnog savjeta od 20. listopada 1989. godine u predmetu Nicolo, nadzirati usklađenost nacionalnog zakona i nekim ugovorom, konkretno Ugovorom o osnivanju Europske zajednice. To ga je dovelo do toga da sam tumači ugovor. U rješavanju različitih pitanja upravni sudac je bio primoran sljediti praksu suda u Strasbourgu. Stoga nam se, na kraju, kao logičan zaključak nameče pitanje: dolazi li do europeizacije nacionalnog prava ili "nacionalizacije" europskog prava? ; Amongst the rules applicable in administrative dispute, those created from the European Convention for Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms should particularly be emphasised. Similarly, administrative adjudication has accepted, after the Council of State's decision on October 20, 1989 in the Nicolo case, to supervise harmonisation of national law and a certain agreement, namely the European Union Association Agreement. This has resulted in self interpretation of the agreement. In resolving various issues, the administrative judge was forced to follow Strasbourg court practice. Therefore, finally, as a logical conclusion, the question arises of: Is national law being europeanised or is European law becoming "nationalised?"