Suchergebnisse

The author examines Polish involvement in the process of Ukraine's integration with the European Union. Poland, along with Sweden, was the initiator of the Eastern Partnership, the aim of which was to bring Ukraine closer to the EU. There were many barriers along the way to the signing of an association agreement between the EU and Ukraine. Poland has become a country that supports the Ukrainians in their European aspirations and helps them overcome the obstacles to integration into the EU. ; W artykule podjęto kwestię zaangażowania Polski w proces integracji Ukrainy z Unią Europejską. Polska i Szwecja zainicjowały Partnerstwo Wschodnie, którego celem było przybliżyć Ukrainę do UE. Z kolei na drodze do podpisania umowy stowarzyszeniowej między Unią a Ukrainą pojawiło się wiele barier. Polska stała się krajem, który wspiera Ukraińców w ich aspiracjach europejskich i pomaga pokonywać przeszkody na drodze integracji Ukrainy z UE.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Na podstawie art. 8 TUE Unia Europejska ma budować przestrzeń dobrobytu i dobrego sąsiedztwa. Instrumentem realizacji tego zamierzania jest umowa stowarzyszeniowa. Umowa tego rodzaju obowiązuje tymczasowo również w relacjach UE-Ukraina. Jej istotnym elementem jest budowa przestrzeni wolności, bezpieczeństwa i sprawiedliwości (Tytuł III umowy stowarzyszeniowej). Przestrzeń ta skonstruowana została, analogicznie do unijnej polityki PWBS (art. 67 TFUE), wokół swobody przepływu osób, uwarunkowanej współpracą Ukrainy w zakresie zarządzania granicami, migracji, azylu, a także zwalczania i zapobiegania przestępczości. Współpraca ta w grudniu 2015 r. została pozytywnie oceniona przez Komisję Europejską, a efektem tej pozytywnej oceny jest przedłożona w kwietniu 2016 r. inicjatywa prawodawcza Komisji w sprawie zniesienia wiz dla obywateli Ukrainy. Jeśli inicjatywa ta zostanie uchwalona przez Parlament Europejski, a na to wskazują pozytywne raporty komisji parlamentarnych, oraz przyjęta przez Radę, wówczas zniesiony zostanie obowiązek posiadania wiz, jeśli chodzi o pobyty krótkie, tj. do 90 dni. Należy jednak pamiętać, iż zmiana ta nie została powiązania w żaden sposób z prawem do podejmowania pracy przez obywateli Ukrainy w państwach członkowskich UE. Zgodnie z art. 18 umowy stowarzyszeniowej zagadnienie podejmowania pracy jest przedmiotem umów dwustronnych między państwem członkowskim a Ukrainą i prawa krajowego państw członkowskich. Zniesienie wiz dla obywateli Ukrainy stanowi jednocześnie, w świetle statystyk Komisji Europejskiej, największe wyzwanie organizacyjne dla polskich organów władzy państwowej odpowiedzialnych za kontrolę granic oraz imigrację – granica polsko-ukraińska jest najczęściej przekraczanym odcinkiem lądowej granicy wschodniej UE. Tylko w pierwszej połowie 2015 r. została przekroczona 4,7 mln razy. ; In accordance with Article 8 of the Treaty on the European Union the EU shall establish an area of prosperity and good neighbourhood. An association agreement is one of instruments used to achieve this goal. Such an agreement is applied provisionally in relation between the EU and Ukraine. The area of freedom, security and justice (Title II of the Association Agreement) is an important part of this agreement. The area is constructed in the same way like the European Union policy based on the Article 67 of the Treaty on functioning of the European Union, to establish the free movement of persons but in conjunction with the cooperation between the EU and Ukraine with respect to external border controls, asylum, immigration and the prevention and combating of crime. The European Commission gave a positive assessment of the cooperation in December 2015, confirming that Ukraine successfully met all benchmarks under the Visa Liberalisation Action Plan from 2010. In April 2016 the European Commission proposed to the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament to lift visa requirements for the citizens of Ukraine. The above mentioned amendment does not mean that the citizens of Ukraine will have the right to work in the EU. In accordance with Article 18 of the Association Agreement the mobility of workers is a subject to the legislation in the Member. The Visa Liberalisation will also mean a great challenge for the Polish border and migration administration. The Polish-Ukrainian border section remained by far the busiest section of the EU eastern land border, with an increase of 15.5% during January–June 2015 compared with the first half of 2014.

Over recent years, open access has developed very dynamically in the world. Many countries have implemented an open access policy and created different ways to publicize the results of scientific research. There are many rules and guidelines related to it, among others Plan S, which aims to implement from 2020 full and unrestricted access to publications resulting from the results of research financed from public funds. The introduction of such activities involves signing and, in particular, transforming existing contracts with publisher into agreements based on the principles of open access the so-called transformative agreements. Standards are created to support national consortia and libraries in negotiating the implementation of a new type of contract, eg. five negotiation rules with LIBER publishers (Ligue des Bibliothèques Européennes de Recherche – Association of European Research Libraries). The aim of the paper is to present good practices and familiarize with activities implemented in the world in the implementation of open access strategies, in particular policies of selected European Union countries in negotiations with scientific publishers, which may become an inspiration for activities related to openness in science implemented in Poland. ; Przez ostatnie lata otwarty dostęp rozwijał się na świecie bardzo dynamicznie. Wiele krajów wdrożyło politykę otwartego dostępu i utworzyło różne ścieżki upubliczniania wyników badań naukowych. Powstało wiele zasad i wytycznych z tym związanych m.in. Plan S, którego celem jest wdrożenie od 2020 r. pełnego i nieograniczonego dostępu do publikacji powstających z wyników badań finansowanych ze środków publicznych. Z wprowadzeniem tego typu działań związane jest podpisywanie, a w szczególności przekształcanie dotychczasowych umów z wydawcami na umowy oparte na zasadach otwartego dostępu (ang. transformative agreements). Tworzone są standardy pozwalające na wsparcie konsorcjów krajowych i bibliotek w negocjowaniu wdrażania nowego typu umów np. pięć zasad negocjacji z wydawcami LIBER (Ligue des Bibliothèques Européennes de Recherche – Stowarzyszenie Europejskich Bibliotek Naukowych). Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie dobrych praktyk i przybliżenie działań realizowanych na świecie w zakresie wprowadzania strategii otwartego dostępu, a zwłaszcza polityk wybranych krajów Unii Europejskiej w negocjacjach z wydawcami naukowymi, które mogą stać się inspiracją do działań związanych z otwartością w nauce realizowanych w Polsce.

The economic relations of the European Union (EU) with the Eastern
Partnership (EaP) countries are diverse in terms of their formal basis, scope and size. All EaP countries were already covered by the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) in 1993/1994 and some by the additional GSP+ scheme in 2005, and bilateral Partnership and Cooperation Agreements (with the exception of Belarus) in 1998–1999, replaced in 2016–2018 by an Association Agreement with a DCFTA for Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, and in Armenia by a comprehensive and strengthened Partnership Agreement. However, the analysis of trade flows between 2007 and 2017 did not reveal a clear link between the volume of trade and the type of agreement governing economic relations. Although for most Eastern Partnership countries, the EU is the most important export market (except for Belarus) and the most important supplier (except for Armenia and Belarus), for the EU as a whole, the EaP countries remain second and third tier partners.

The accession of ten countries in 2004, followed by Romania and Bulgaria in 2007, has brought the EU closer to fragile regions in the east and south. There was a need to strengthen relations (including commercial ones) with neighbors. The European Union's Eastern neighbors have always played a very important role in its foreign policy. The EU's eastern policy covers not only economic but also political and security issues. Due to similar historical experience, similar problems and strong economic interconnections, partner countries are treated as one region. The purpose of the article is to show the assumptions, essence and main dimensions of the Eastern Partnership in the context of strengthening relations with the eastern neighbors of the European Union. ; Przystąpienie dziesięciu państw do Unii Europejskiej w 2004 r., a następnie Rumunii i Bułgarii w 2007 r., zbliżyło Wspólnotę do niestabilnych regionów na wschodzie i południu. Pojawiła się ko nieczność wzmocnienia relacji (w tym handlowych) z sąsiadami. Wschodni sąsiedzi Unii Europejskiej zawsze odgrywali bardzo ważną rolę w kształtowaniu jej polityki zagranicznej. Unijna polityka wschodnia obejmuje nie tylko kwestie gospodarcze, ale również polityczne i bezpieczeństwa. Ze względu na zbliżone doświadczenia historyczne, podobne problemy oraz silne wzajemne powiązania gospodarcze, państwa partnerskie traktowane są jako jeden region. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie założeń, istoty i głównych wymiarów Partnerstwa Wschodniego w kontekście wzmocnienia stosunków ze wschodnimi sąsiadami Unii Europejskiej.

The European Union has actively engaged itself in cooperation with its Eastern neighbours. The Eastern Partnership is a concept of political cooperation and economic integration in the future with six countries – Moldova, Ukraine, Belarus, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. Republic of Armenia regards this programme as a framework for improving its market institutions and judicial system and for creation of business opportunities. Although Armenia decided not to sign the Association Agreement and join the Russia-led Eurasiatic Customs Union, there is still room for cooperation with the EU on a sector-by-sector basis. The paper is divided in three parts. The first one describes the history of the Armenian cooperation with the European Union within the Eastern Partnership. The second part deals with the barriers and opportunities for mutual cooperation. The last part shows the changes in the Armenian economy during the last decade.

Established on the initiative of Poland and Sweden, the Eastern Partnership encompasses six states located in the territory of the former USSR, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus. The program was officially initiated in 2009 by offering its members such solutions as softening visa restrictions, the establishment of free trade zones and signing association agreements. One of the priorities of the Polish Presidency, the Eastern Partnership culminated in the summit held inWarsaw on September 29–30, 2011. While Poland sees this project as an opportunity for further enlargements, other member states are not unanimous about what character it should have. Should the Eastern Partnership constitute the eastern dimension of the European Neighborhood Policy, or just the advancement of democratic values without promising EU membership in return for their implementation. This influences the assessment of the Eastern Partnership upon its third year of operation, and of the activities of the Polish Government during the Presidency. Although cooperation between the EU and the countries of the Eastern Partnership was not significantly advanced, Donald Tusk's Government succeeded in maintaining the EU's interest in this topic among member states otherwise engrossed in the eurozone crisis. ; Established on the initiative of Poland and Sweden, the Eastern Partnership encompasses six states located in the territory of the former USSR, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus. The program was officially initiated in 2009 by offering its members such solutions as softening visa restrictions, the establishment of free trade zones and signing association agreements. One of the priorities of the Polish Presidency, the Eastern Partnership culminated in the summit held inWarsaw on September 29–30, 2011. While Poland sees this project as an opportunity for further enlargements, other member states are not unanimous about what character it should have. Should the Eastern Partnership constitute the eastern dimension of the European Neighborhood Policy, or just the advancement of democratic values without promising EU membership in return for their implementation. This influences the assessment of the Eastern Partnership upon its third year of operation, and of the activities of the Polish Government during the Presidency. Although cooperation between the EU and the countries of the Eastern Partnership was not significantly advanced, Donald Tusk's Government succeeded in maintaining the EU's interest in this topic among member states otherwise engrossed in the eurozone crisis.

May 2019 marked the 10th anniversary of the launch of the European Union's Eastern Partnership initiative, which encourages democratic reforms in Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine and the strengthening of the relations and cooperation between these countries and the EU. During this period, significant results were achieved in terms of political association, economic relations and regulatory convergence. Thanks to this initiative, Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine signed association and free trade area agreements (DCFTAs) and achieved visa-free travel. One of the main drawbacks of the programme at this stage is that it does not provide for a differentiated approach towards partner countries and deeper cooperation with those already signatory to Association Agreements. The anniversary of the Eastern Partnership encourages to take stock of the results of the initiative and identify perspectives for its further development. The aim of this article is to identify the main achievements of the Eastern Partnership from the perspective of Ukraine's priorities and interests, as well as to propose a new effective model of relations between Ukraine and other partner countries with the EU under this initiative. The text sets out and analyses the main stages of the cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in the years 1991–2019, especially the participation of Ukraine in the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership. The article shows that the Eastern Partnership policy and its implementation mechanisms need a structural review and differentiated, individual approaches that would meet the needs, expectations and interests of all the parties. If the EU intends to continue building mutually beneficial relations with its eastern neighbours, it should not only maintain the existing initiative, but also adapt it effectively to the challenges of the present. The EU should therefore develop a sufficiently attractive and effective model of cooperation to support pro-European reforms in its partner countries.

The presence of oil is a major distinguishing feature of the Middle East on a global scale. The countries of the region (especially the subregion of the Persian Gulf), which have oil at their disposal, influence the politics of superpowers, not only toward this part of the world. In the 20th century, oil became an effective instrument of politics toward countries which are the greatest consumers of oil, but are not self-sufficient in this respect. The first half of the 20th century was marked by competition for its largest resources and making the oil-producing countries dependent on policies of great oil concerns. It was also the time of the leading role of the oil cartel of "seven sisters". The second half of the 20th century brought a fundamental change in the balance of power in global and regional oil politics. It involved: a growing awareness among governments and societies in oil-exporting countries of how significant oil is as a tool of effective international politics, gradual nationalization of Western associations in control of oil exploration, a change in the formula of distribution of profits from oil exploration and import among oil associations and governments of the oil-producing countries in favor of the latter, and the foundation of OPEC as an effective subject comprising major oil-exporting countries. In the perception of the United States, providing the US with free access to oil resources in the Middle East when the bilateral agreement was binding and after its dissolution, became a primary goal of politics in this part of the world of successive American administrations. A factor permanently shaping the United States' politics in the Middle East was ensuring the US secure energy.

The article analyzes the successive stages of Poland's commercial and contractual relations with the EEC (European Economic Community) countries since the establishment of this organization. Poland's relations with the EEC in the 1960s and 1970s were strongly influenced by political factors. Economic conditions played a less important role. There were strong restrictions in the East-West trade, including strategic export restrictions, credit restrictions, and EEC quantitative restrictions on imports from socialist countries. Polish contacts with the EEC, known as the official-technical ones, began in 1964. In the trade of the Community, Poland played a historically insignificant role and had no significant importance for the EEC. The share of Poland in the global imports of the Community countries in 1988 was only 0.23%. After the signing of a trade agreement between Poland and the European Community in 1989, the Polish government made efforts to establish maximum cooperation with the EEC. ; Artykuł analizuje kolejne etapy stosunków handlowych i umownych Polski z krajami EWG od momentu powstania tej organizacji. Stosunki Polski z EWG w latach 60. i 70. XX w. pozostawały pod dużym wpływem czynników politycznych. Mniejsza rola przypadała uwarunkowaniom ekonomicznym. W handlu Wschód–Zachód występowały silne ograniczenia, m.in. strategiczne ograniczenia eksportowe, ograniczenia kredytowe oraz stosowane przez kraje EWG ograniczenia ilościowe importu z krajów socjalistycznych. Polskie kontakty z EWG, zwane w odróżnieniu od oficjalnych – technicznymi, rozpoczęły się w 1964 r. W handlu Wspólnoty Polska odgrywała historycznie niewielką rolę i nie miała dla EWG istotnego znaczenia. Udział Polski w globalnym imporcie państw Wspólnoty w 1988 r. wynosił tylko 0,23%. Po podpisaniu w 1989 r. umowy handlowej między Polską a Wspólnotą Europejską rząd polski podjął starania o nawiązanie maksymalnie szerokiej współpracy z EWG.

The article analyzes the successive stages of Poland's commercial and contractual relations with the EEC (European Economic Community) countries since the establishment of this organization. Poland's relations with the EEC in the 1960s and 1970s were strongly influenced by political factors. Economic conditions played a less important role. There were strong restrictions in the East-West trade, including strategic export restrictions, credit restrictions, and EEC quantitative restrictions on imports from socialist countries. Polish contacts with the EEC, known as the official-technical ones, began in 1964. In the trade of the Community, Poland played a historically insignificant role and had no significant importance for the EEC. The share of Poland in the global imports of the Community countries in 1988 was only 0.23%. After the signing of a trade agreement between Poland and the European Community in 1989, the Polish government made efforts to establish maximum cooperation with the EEC. ; Artykuł analizuje kolejne etapy stosunków handlowych i umownych Polski z krajami EWG od momentu powstania tej organizacji. Stosunki Polski z EWG w latach 60. i 70. XX w. pozostawały pod dużym wpływem czynników politycznych. Mniejsza rola przypadała uwarunkowaniom ekonomicznym. W handlu Wschód–Zachód występowały silne ograniczenia, m.in. strategiczne ograniczenia eksportowe, ograniczenia kredytowe oraz stosowane przez kraje EWG ograniczenia ilościowe importu z krajów socjalistycznych. Polskie kontakty z EWG, zwane w odróżnieniu od oficjalnych – technicznymi, rozpoczęły się w 1964 r. W handlu Wspólnoty Polska odgrywała historycznie niewielką rolę i nie miała dla EWG istotnego znaczenia. Udział Polski w globalnym imporcie państw Wspólnoty w 1988 r. wynosił tylko 0,23%. Po podpisaniu w 1989 r. umowy handlowej między Polską a Wspólnotą Europejską rząd polski podjął starania o nawiązanie maksymalnie szerokiej współpracy z EWG.

The proclamation of a new state named Ukraine in 1991 changed the geopolitical situation in Europe because it entered the circle of the six largest countries of the continent. Already in 1994 Ukraine signed an agreement with the EU on partnership and cooperation. In the period 1998 2015, 15 meetings of EU and Ukraine on joining the European structures took place. Although the Copenhagen criteria haven't been met, the association agreement was signed and ratified by several EU Member States. As a result of many internal processes and implementation of politics based on extreme ideologies Ukraine, after only 25 years of its existence, became a fallen state riddled with corruption, an oligarchic-mafia system governed by the neoban derism ideology. It is a country endangered by breakup of its territory or entering the orbit of the influence of Russia; this is what the current war is about. Thus, the efforts of the Ukrainian authorities to join the structures of the EU seem to be completely unrealistic and useless. ; Proklamowanie nowego państwa o nazwie Ukraina w 1991 roku zmieniło sytuację geopolityczną w Europie, ponieważ weszło ono do grona sześciu największych państw kontynentu. Już w 1994 roku Ukraina podpisała z UE układ o partnerstwie i współpracy. W latach 1998–2015 odbyło się piętnaście spotkań Ukraina–UE w celu wejścia tego państwa do struktur europejskich. Mimo niespełnienia przez nie kryteriów kopenhaskich, podpisano umowę stowarzyszeniową, ratyfikowaną przez część państw UE. W wyniku wielu procesów wewnętrznych i realizacji polityki według zasad skrajnych ideologii, Ukraina po ćwierćwieczu istnienia, stała się państwem upadłym, przeżartym przez korupcję, system oligarchiczno-mafijny i ideologię nacjonalizmu. Jest to państwo zagrożone rozpadem swego terytorium lub wejściem w orbitę wpływów Rosji, o co toczy się obecna wojna. Dążenia władz Ukrainy do wejścia w struktury UE są więc całkowicie nierealne i bezprzedmiotowe.

Proklamowanie nowego państwa o nazwie Ukraina w 1991 roku zmieniło sytuację geopolityczną w Europie, ponieważ weszło ono do grona sześciu największych państw kontynentu. Już w 1994 roku Ukraina podpisała z UE układ o partnerstwie i współpracy. W latach 1998–2015 odbyło się piętnaście spotkań Ukraina–UE w celu wejścia tego państwa do struktur europejskich. Mimo niespełnienia przez nie kryteriów kopenhaskich, podpisano umowę stowarzyszeniową, ratyfikowaną przez część państw UE. W wyniku wielu procesów wewnętrznych i realizacji polityki według zasad skrajnych ideologii, Ukraina po ćwierćwieczu istnienia, stała się państwem upadłym, przeżartym przez korupcję, system oligarchiczno-mafijny i ideologię nacjonalizmu. Jest to państwo zagrożone rozpadem swego terytorium lub wejściem w orbitę wpływów Rosji, o co toczy się obecna wojna. Dążenia władz Ukrainy do wejścia w struktury UE są więc całkowicie nierealne i bezprzedmiotowe. ; The proclamation of a new state named Ukraine in 1991 changed the geopolitical situation in Europe because it entered the circle of the six largest countries of the continent. Already in 1994 Ukraine signed an agreement with the EU on partnership and cooperation. In the period 1998–2015, 15 meetings of EU and Ukraine on joining the European structures took place. Although the Copenhagen criteria haven't been met, the association agreement was signed and ratified by several EU Member States. As a result of many internal processes and implementation of politics based on extreme ideologies Ukraine, after only 25 years of its existence, became a fallen state riddled with corruption, an oligarchic-mafia system governed by the neobanderism ideology. It is a country endangered by breakup of its territory or entering the orbit of the influence of Russia; this is what the current war is about. Thus, the efforts of the Ukrainian authorities to join the structures of the EU seem to be completely unrealistic and useless.

Since the Soviet Union collapsed and Ukraine regained her independence, Ukraine has become an object of interest of the EU's foreign policy. Ukraine has immense economic and social potential, and a significant geopolitical location, particularly from the point of view of EU – Russian relations. Good mutual relations were corroborated by the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. Signed on June 14, 1994, the Agreement provided for the reinforcement of mutual bonds as well as political and economic cooperation. Over its near twenty years of independence, Ukraine has taken part in several EU initiatives. A current issue at the Ukraine – EU summit, held in Kiev in December 2009, concerned the agreement of association to be drawn up that should replace the present Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. On account of a number of issues that the EU continues to have reservations about (the insufficient battle against corruption in Ukraine, the slow pace of economic reforms, and the lack of a uniform standpoint of the Ukrainian President, government and parliament) the signing of this Agreement has been postponed until next year. ; Since the Soviet Union collapsed and Ukraine regained her independence, Ukraine has become an object of interest of the EU's foreign policy. Ukraine has immense economic and social potential, and a significant geopolitical location, particularly from the point of view of EU – Russian relations. Good mutual relations were corroborated by the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. Signed on June 14, 1994, the Agreement provided for the reinforcement of mutual bonds as well as political and economic cooperation. Over its near twenty years of independence, Ukraine has taken part in several EU initiatives. A current issue at the Ukraine – EU summit, held in Kiev in December 2009, concerned the agreement of association to be drawn up that should replace the present Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. On account of a number of issues that the EU continues to have reservations about (the insufficient battle against corruption in Ukraine, the slow pace of economic reforms, and the lack of a uniform standpoint of the Ukrainian President, government and parliament) the signing of this Agreement has been postponed until next year.

Since the Soviet Union collapsed and Ukraine regained her independence, Ukraine has become an object of interest of the EU's foreign policy. Ukraine has immense economic and social potential, and a significant geopolitical location, particularly from the point of view of EU – Russian relations. Good mutual relations were corroborated by the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. Signed on June 14, 1994, the Agreement provided for the reinforcement of mutual bonds as well as political and economic cooperation. Over its near twenty years of independence, Ukraine has taken part in several EU initiatives. A current issue at the Ukraine– EU summit, held in Kiev in December 2009, concerned the agreement of association to be drawn up that should replace the present Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. On account of a number of issues that the EU continues to have reservations about (the insufficient battle against corruption in Ukraine, the slow pace of economic reforms, and the lack of a uniform standpoint of the Ukrainian President, government and parliament) the signing of this Agreement has been postponed until next year.