Kisebb érdekképviseleti fondok: repertórium
In: Levéltári leltárak / Magyar Országos Levéltár 87
In: Levéltári leltárak / Magyar Országos Levéltár 87
In: Materialien
Sports organizations are entities conventionally based on civil, non-governmental initiatives, and operating in non-profit legal forms. Concurrently with the strengthening business characteristics of sports, for-profit companies started to spread in increasing numbers. Currently, in Hungary sports organizations can be operated in the form of sports associations, business entities and public-benefit foundations for special purposes. The operating frameworks of sports organizations are currently defined in legal regulations. Business entities belong to the scope of the Act on Business Associations and other business-related legislation, whereas sports associations are subject to the Civil Act and the Civil Code. Obviously, the operation of sports organizations is also strongly influenced by the Sports Act. In consequence, it can be ascertained that the operation of sports organizations today is fairly strictly regulated. This publication has been written to describe the regulations relating to the organizations of the sports associations still constituting the majority of sports organizations, from the beginnings until the evolution of today's system.
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The period of the interim unconstitutional administration in Hungary (5.11. 1861-18.07.1865), the socalled 'Schmerling-Provisorium' had certain dual character concerning operating conditions of the civil associations. After the paralysis of the former decade the quantitative as well as qualitative indicators showed dynamic development having started already in 1857/58. On the other hand, the mechanisms of direct and indirect state control of their operation were turning even more oppressing. Through confidential and never published instructions Count Mor Palffy who as governor stood at the head of public administration of Hungary strove in these years to work out and enforce ever more and more stipulations in order to restrict their autonomy. Before 1864 he did not intend to issue new general regulation in this respect, instead he endeavoured to build further restrictive instructions into the statutes of the new associations. In 1864, nonetheless, he made an attempt at enforcing new comprehensive regulation, without success. In the Western provinces of the Austrian Empire the mere existence of the recently founded constitutional political institutions, first of all of the 'Reichsrat', prevented any similar attempt at bringing civil associatios under strict state control, moreover, Palffy himself considered the matter of associations as an provincial affair and not as an imperial one, thus he had to look for potential political supporters first of all among the high ranking Hungarian civil servants. The latter, however, mostly deemed Palffy's aspiration to be definetely harmful on the chances of any future political settlement.
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In: A Magyarságkutatás könyvtára 24
In: Erdélyi jogélet, Band 1, Heft 3, S. 65-70
ISSN: 2734-7095
The paper proposes an alternative (complementary) narrative for minority rights protection, which is based on dissociation and expressive language. Minority rights protection, besides the traditionalist thinking, should endeavour to identify the buzzwords that are familiar to the rule-of-law and human rights discourse of the 21st century. This quest should have two aspects: dissociation from the (fake) sovereignty associations and articulation of ethnic discrimination.
On the whole we can claim that in the last almost sixty years there was a significant change in Croatian-Hungarian trans-border relationships. State-governed cooperation was replaced by project-controlled co-operations under the guidance of local-governments and the civil sphere. Unfortunately, stock and human workforce deficit very often obstructs success. Besides it is a permanent problem in our country that state politics has a great influence on local-government politics. So in a certain euroregion the success of operation highly depends on where the local-governments and civil organization belong to politically and on the leaders' ability to validate their interests. As a result of stock deficit mentioned previously project-based co-operations occurred.1 But these ad hoc project associations are not able and won't even be able to use union sources efficiently and generate any kind of long-term regional development. ; On the whole we can claim that in the last almost sixty years there was a significant change in Croatian-Hungarian trans-border relationships. State-governed cooperation was replaced by project-controlled co-operations under the guidance of local-governments and the civil sphere. Unfortunately, stock and human workforce deficit very often obstructs success. Besides it is a permanent problem in our country that state politics has a great influence on local-government politics. So in a certain euroregion the success of operation highly depends on where the local-governments and civil organization belong to politically and on the leaders' ability to validate their interests. As a result of stock deficit mentioned previously project-based co-operations occurred.1 But these ad hoc project associations are not able and won't even be able to use union sources efficiently and generate any kind of long-term regional development.
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In: Erdélyi jogélet, Band 1, Heft 3, S. 101-124
ISSN: 2734-7095
On 20 November 2018, the Hungarian Museum Association of Transylvania and Sapientia Hungarian University of Transylvania organized a round table discussion on the legal history of Transylvania. The event took place as part of a series of events on the Hungarian Science Day in Transylvania, at the Sapientia building on Calea Turzii Cluj-Napoca. The participants were Dr Gyula Fábián (minority law), Dr Zsolt Fegyveresi (constitutional history), Dr László Nánási (history of criminal law), Dr Zsolt Kokoly (history of legal education), Dr János Székely (history of civil procedure law), and Dr Emőd Veress (history of civil law). The event was moderated by Előd Pál. The participants presented their research studies related to the legal history of Transylvania and explored the legal and social situations of the past hundred years.
Sports organizations are entities conventionally based on civil, non-governmental initiatives, and – using one of today's fashionable expressions – operating in nonprofit legal forms. Concurrently with the strengthening business characteristics of sports, for-profit companies started to spread in increasing numbers. At the present, in Hungary sports organizations can be operated in the form of sports associations, business entities and public-benefit foundations for special purposes. In view of sport-related services, it can be claimed that they have become integrated and dynamically developing areas of the economy, and as one specific consequence sports enterprises as for-profit business entities have appeared among sports organizations. Sports enterprises are typically active in team sports, especially in the field of spectator sports, while most of their business-like economic activities are associated with competitive sports. Today's Hungarian sports enterprises are in quest of the ways of successful operation both when selecting the legal form of operation and setting up their organizational structures. This article has been written to present and describe successful – in this case German – organizational options.
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This article sets out a conceptual basis for measuring Vojvodina's regional autonomy in Serbia's European perspective. Serbia is a potential candidate country for EU accession, implementation of the European Partnership (2008) will be examined through the mechanisms established under the stabilization and association process. In 2009, the Serbian Parliament ratified the new autonomy statute for Vojvodina. While the national government could not entirely close its eyes to the EU regionalization requirements the provincial government had the opportunity to express its demands. The Statute of Vojvodina was to set out the key principles that should underlie effective regional democracy, covering areas such as financial autonomy and legislative powers. Parallel with regional autonomy one sees the challenges of personal autonomy and Hungarian National Council in the sphere of freedoms relating to language, education and cross-border cooperation. The article concludes by examining measures of Hungary's national policy towards capacities of AP Vojvodina, aiming at faster integration of Serbia, and Hungarian minority communities living in the border area.
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This paper explores how Britain's and Colombia's privileged relations with the United States (U.S.) influenced their journey through the European Community (EC) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). The Anglo–American Special Relationship (AASR) was compatible with British participation in the European Single Market, but not with adherence to creating the EC's common currency, nor with leadership in building a European defence structure autonomous from NATO. Thus, since the start of the Iraq war, Britain played a rather obstructive role in what later was called European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The US–Colombia Partnership (USCP), based on a longstanding military association reinforced under Plan Colombia, naturally discouraged any meaningful Colombian participation in UNASUR's South American Security Council (CDS), a regional cooperative security project, promoted by Brazil. Cherished projects of the liberal CAP – such as triangular cooperation (to export Colombian security expertise to Central America with U.S. co-financing and oversight) and NATO partnership – also distracted Colombia's interest from UNASUR, diminishing the latter's relevance collaterally. A role for UNASUR – alongside the Organization of American States (OAS) – in South American security management was compatible with the liberal CAP, but not with the neoconservative CAP. Even a lopsided complementation – such as the one between NATO and the CSDP – proved unviable between the OAS and UNASUR.
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In his study the author deals with the question of the corporative organization of the young Slovenian state. In the first part of his writing the author presents the theory and development of corporative ideas after WWII. He sums up the main theories of Philippe C. Schmitter and Gerhard Lehmbruch, the two main thinkers of modern corporatism and shows how these theories influenced the development of societal/liberal corporatism. The author introduces the concept of concertation, the new decision-making process of the modern corporative state and differentiates it from the classic pressure politics of liberalism. After the theoretical background in the second part of his study the author gives an introspection into the forms of Slovenian corporative cooperation. First of all, he describes the main organizations of the tripartite political processes: the employers' chambers and associations (e.g. Gospodarska zbornica Slovenije, Trgovinska zbornica Slovenije, Združenje delodajalcev Slovenije) and the employees' unions (e.g. Zveza svobodnih sindikatov Slovenije, Konfedearcija sindikatov Slovenije Pergam, Konfederacija sindikatov 90 Slovenije). At the end of his work he shows the function of the classical corporative forums in Slovenia: the Economic and Social Council (Ekonomsko-socialni svet Slovenije, ESSS) and the National Council (Državni Svet). The author's conclusions are unambiguous: after the successful achievement of independence and freedom, Slovenia managed to create one of the most effective organizational models of modern (societal/liberal) corporatism and uses the process of concertation fruitful for his economic stability and social welfare.
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In: Társadalmi szemle: társadalomtudományi folyóirata, Band 49, Heft 12, S. 35-43
ISSN: 0039-971X
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