Over the last decade many historians and political analysts have sought to highlight similarities between the American and Roman Empires. This paper presents an alternative to these equations by comparing the American and the Assyrian empire, based on my contention that they have structural similarities not shared by Rome. على مدى العقد الماضي, قام العديد من المؤرخين والمحللين السياسيين بتسليط الضوء على أوجه التشابه بين الامبراطوريات الرومانية والأمريكية. وتعرض هذه الورقة بديلا لهذه المعادلات من خلال مقارنة لأمريكا والإمبراطورية الآشورية ، على أساس اختلافي معهم بأن لديهم التشابه الهيكلي ,لا تشاركهم به روما.
UID/HIS/04666/2019 Copyright Year 2020 ; "Adieu, Assyria! / I loved thee well". These were the last words of king Sardanapalus, the last king of Assyria, according to Lord Byron. Throughout the centuries, Europe was confronted with the tragic story of Mesopotamia's last monarch, a king more effeminate than a woman, a lascivious and idle man, a governor who loathed all expressions of militarism and war. But this story was no more than it proposed to be: a story, not history. Sardanapalus was not even real! The Greeks conceived him; artists, play writers, and cineastes preserved him. Through the imaginative minds of early Modern and Modern historians, artists and dramaturgs, Sardanapalus' legend endured well into the 20th-century in several different media. Even after the first excavations in Assyria, and the exhumation of its historical archives, where no king by the name of Sardanapalus was recorded, fantasy continued to surpass history. ; authorsversion ; published
PH.D. ; In this study, I engage with the state arts and texts of the ancient Neo-Assyrian (911–612 B.C.E.) to examine the extent to which Neo-Assyrian kings relied on the proper construction and performance of hegemonic masculinity to negotiate and legitimate their exercise of rule. Methodologically, this multimodal study in the different media employed by Neo-Assyrian statecraft will employ the critical tools of Assyriology along with feminist theories and masculinities studies, archaeological, art historical and psychoanalytic critical paradigms, to analyse both visual and textual representations in order to trace the construction of masculinities not only of individual kings but also of the 'monarchy' and the 'state hierarchy' as expressions of shifting hegemonic masculinities. It will be shown that masculinities were central to the discourse and legitimation of rule, that the state and the ruler were entirely dependent on notions of masculinity expressed as virile military prowess in battle and in diplomatic encounters, domination over men and animals, as well as the management of the reproductive abilities of persons born with male genitals. This study will then focus on the late Sargonid reigns of Sennacherib (704–681 B.C.E.), Esarhaddon (680–669 B.C.E.) to discuss not only the longue durée of gender construction and performance but also to trace internal developments and reconfigurations which indicate that within the time frame of empire, masculinities were not monolithic but were, rather, constructed and performed differently depending not only on the socio-political circumstances of the time but also on the media at issue. References will also be made to other Neo-Assyrian sovereigns in general, and to Assurbanipal (668–630 B.C.E.) in particular. This study will also investigate the way royal masculinities were constructed through the contradictory discourse of symbiosis with and dominance over the Other, namely animals and castrated males. It is hoped that this study will not only elucidate the importance of masculinities as ideological state apparatuses and as tools for hegemonic ideology within the Neo-Assyrian Empire, but that it will initiate a dialogue on the role played by gender in general, and masculinities in particular, in the establishment and maintenance of political formations and imperial projects in past societies as well as today through the lens of the ancient Near East. ; N/A
Several modern studies and the Assyrians themselves have claimed not only the extreme military measures but also substantial geo-political impact of Assyrian conquest in the southern Levant; however, examples of Assyrian violence and control are actually underrepresented in the archaeological record. The few scholars that have pointed out this dearth of corroborative data have attributed it to an apathetic attitude adopted by Assyria toward the region during both conquest and political control. I argue in this dissertation that the archaeological record reflects Assyrian military strategy rather than indifference. Data from three case studies, Megiddo, Ashdod, and the Western Negev, suggest that the small number of sites with evidence of destruction and even fewer sites with evidence of Assyrian imperial control are a product of a strategy that allowed Assyria to annex the region with less investment than their annals claim. Furthermore, Assyria's network of imperial outposts monitored international highways in a manner that allowed a small local and foreign population to participate in trade and defense opportunities that ultimately benefited the Assyrian core.
In 689 BC, the Assyrian king Sennacherib destroyed Babylon and deported the statues of the Babylonian gods to Assyria. In order to restore the political and religious relations between Assyria and Babylonia, Esarhaddon undertakes to renovate the Babylonian statues and relocate them in their temples in southern Mesopotamia. This paper aims to provide an analysis of some royal inscriptions dealing with the (re)creation of the divine effigies and offer an interpretation of their salient passages.
Since the formation period of the Middle Assyrian Kingdom until the apogee of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, iconography constituted a powerful political and ideological mean through which the royal power ratified possession of new dominions and celebrated its leading role as creator of the civilized world of Assur. In this context, rock art turns out to be one of the preferential expression channels of Assyrian kingship, with its propagandistic aims and political meanings. Through the analysis of the geographical location, iconography, religious and symbolic significance of the Assyrian rock reliefs, this paper aims to reconstruct norms and forms of shaping the empire's territory from the core to its frontiers, transforming also liminal and often challenged areas into true "Assyrian" landscapes. In the presentation, the development of rock reliefs during the Sargonid period will be discussed in detail.
From the ninth century until the last quarter of the seventh century BCE, the Assyrian Empire first extended its power over Babylonia and then engaged in a prolonged effort to retain control. The patchwork nature of Babylonian society—divided as it was between the traditional urban centers, territories controlled by five distinct Chaldean tribes, and regions inhabited by Aramaean tribes—presented opportunities and challenges for Assyria as it sought to assert its dominance. Assyrian interactions with the Chaldean tribes of Babylonia redefined the Chaldeans' place within power relationships in southern Mesopotamia. Starting in 878, Assyria first perceived Chaldean territory as distinct from what they defined as Karduniaš, the land ruled by the king of Babylon. Shalmaneser III exploited and accentuated this division by recognizing the Chaldean leaders as kings and accepting their tribute even as he concluded a treaty with the Babylonian king, Marduk-zakir-shumi I. By decentralizing power in Babylonia, Assyria was able to assert indirect control over Babylonia. However, periods of Assyrian weakness created opportunities for several Chaldeans—drawing upon the economic and military power they could muster—to claim the title of king of Babylon with all the accompanying ideological power. These new developments prompted Assyria under the Sargonids to create counter-narratives that questioned the legitimacy of Chaldeans as kings of Babylon by presenting them as strange and inimical to the Assyrian order even as Assyrian interactions with the Chaldeans improved Assyrian familiarity with them.
Рассматриваются причины формирования военного характера зодчества Ассирии и особенности реализации принципов построения военного ассирийского лагеря в градостроительстве государства. ; The causes of the formation of a military nature of architecture of Assyria and particular implementation of the principles of construction of military camps in urban planning of the state.
Many recent studies have dealt with the nature of the Assyrian imperial frontiers, demonstrating how diversified they have been through time and space, with cases such as Khabur and Upper Tigris regions. On the other hand, the Assyrian periphery along the Iraqi middle Euphrates – ancient region of Suḫu – is archaeologically less known. The archaeological investigations before the construction of the Haditha Dam revealed many sites datable to the Iron Age, some of which seemed to have a marked military nature. The region was therefore seen as a seat for fortresses of the Assyrian Empire. The present paper, through a preliminary analysis of the material culture of the sites, the settlement pattern using GIS and satellite images, aims to suggest a more multi-faced nature of the settlement in the region.
Many recent studies have dealt with the nature of the Assyrian imperial frontiers, demonstrating how diversified they have been through time and space, with cases such as Khabur and Upper Tigris regions. On the other hand, the Assyrian periphery along the Iraqi middle Euphrates – ancient region of Suḫu – is archaeologically less known. The archaeological investigations before the construction of the Haditha Dam revealed many sites datable to the Iron Age, some of which seemed to have a marked military nature. The region was therefore seen as a seat for fortresses of the Assyrian Empire. The present paper, through a preliminary analysis of the material culture of the sites, the settlement pattern using GIS and satellite images, aims to suggest a more multi-faced nature of the settlement in the region.
By exploring how the Assyrian and Romani genocides came to be forgotten in official history and collective memory, this paper takes a step towards redress for years of inadvertent neglect and deliberate concealment. In addressing the roles played by scholars and nations, and the effect of international law and government policy, it notes the inaccessibility of evidence, combined with a narrow application of definitions of victim groups, and a focus on written proof of perpetrator intent. Continuing persecution of survivors in the aftermath of the genocides, and government actions to erase the genocides from history, are common to both cases. The dimension of a comparative analysis between two emblematic "hidden" genocides shows that there are many similarities in the process of forgetting that occurred in their respective aftermaths. Developing an understanding of how these genocides came to be ignored and forgotten may provide a foundation for genuine acknowledgment and redress.
By exploring how the Assyrian and Romani genocides came to be forgotten in official history and collective memory, this paper takes a step towards redress for years of inadvertent neglect and deliberate concealment. In addressing the roles played by scholars and nations, and the effect of international law and government policy, it notes the inaccessibility of evidence, combined with a narrow application of definitions of victim groups, and a focus on written proof of perpetrator intent. Continuing persecution of survivors in the aftermath of the genocides, and government actions to erase the genocides from history, are common to both cases. The dimension of a comparative analysis between two emblematic "hidden" genocides shows that there are many similarities in the process of forgetting that occurred in their respective aftermaths. Developing an understanding of how these genocides came to be ignored and forgotten may provide a foundation for genuine acknowledgment and redress.
The violent and destructive image of Assyria started to emerge at the end of the XIV century B.C. The entrance of Assyria into the international stage and the subsequent initiation of an aggressive policy broke the political balance established in the diplomatic era. In the beginning of the XIII century B.C., Tukulti-Ninurta I conquered Babylon and set the wheels in motion for a new ideological program in order to purify and justify the Assyrian acts through divine sanction. ; La imagen violenta y destructiva del pueblo asirio comienza a forjarse a finales del siglo XIV a.C. La entrada de Asiria en la esfera internacional y el inicio de una política exterior agresiva rompieron con el equilibrio internacional de la era de la diplomacia. En el primer cuarto del siglo XIII a.C., Tukulti- Ninurta I conquista Babilonia y pone en marcha todo un programa de justificación ideológica de la nueva imagen bélica asiria a través de la sanción divina.
Abstract: In 672 B.C. Esarhaddon made the citizens of Assyria swear a loyalty oath to his chosen heir, Ashurbanipal, in the Nabû Temple of Kalḫu. This is known through three letters belonging to the royal archives of Nineveh. This oath and its related stipulations were written in unusually big tablets and left on display in the Throne Room of the Temple. However, the identity of those pledging their loyalty to Ashurbanipal in the tablets that preserve the relevant lines (city-lords from the Eastern periphery of the empire) is at odds with the letters' information. The identical oath-tablet recently excavated in a temple at Tell Ta'yinat (South-West Turkey), sworn by the provincial governor and "apparat" of Kullania, forces a reassessment of the reasons behind the display of the tablets seemingly intended for the Eastern chieftains. The religious nature of Esarhaddon's Succession Treaty by reason of the visual, textual and findspot aspects of the tablets, extensively analyzed by previous scholarship, should not obscure the fact that Esarhaddon may have taken advantage of those aspects, and earlier practices concerning the display of vassal-treaties, to hide his fears of treason from his intended target audience: Assyrian officials of high-rank. ; Resumen: En el 672 a.C. Esarhaddon hizo jurar lealtad a los ciudadanos de Asiria hacia su heredero escogido, Ashurbanipal, en el templo de Nabû en Kalḫu. Esto se conoce a través de tres cartas pertenecientes al archivo real de Niniveh. Este juramento y sus estipulaciones relativas fueron escritas en tabletas inusualmente grandes y expuestas en la Sala del Trono del Templo. Sin embargo, la identidad de aquellos que juraron lealtad a Ashurbanipal en las tabletas que preservan las líneas relevantes (señores de las ciudades de la periferia oriental del imperio) no concuerdan con la información de las cartas. Las tablas juramentales recientemente excavadas en el templo de Tell Ta'yinat (sudoeste de Turquía), juradas por el gobernador provincial y "apparat" de Kullania, fuerza a reevaluar las razones detrás de la exposición de las tabletas aparentemente destinadas a los jefes orientales. La naturaleza religiosa del Tratado Sucesorio de Esarhaddon a causa de los aspectos visuales, textuales y del lugar de hallazgo de las tabletas, analizadas extensamente por anteriores académicos, no debe oscurecer el hecho de que Esarhaddon pudo haberse beneficiado de estos aspectos, y de las prácticas tempranas respecto a la exposición de tratados de vasallaje, para esconder sus miedos a la traición de la audiencia a la que iba destinado el mensaje: oficiales asirios de alto rango.
The relationship between tectonic environment and human activity has a long history that intimately involves the Ancient Near East and Levant. Texts from the third millennium onward attest to earthquake imagery while records of actual earthquakes cluster in two periods in the Middle and Neo-Assyrian periods. The research first examines the relationship between the tectonic environment and earthquake imagery that is found amidst Storm-god imagery. Next, close attention is paid to the textual and archaeoseismic evaluation of earthquakes recorded in Middle and Neo-Assyrian texts and the extent to which historical information from these texts can inform a reconstruction of the earthquake's effects. Within the Levant, a detailed archaeoseismic evaluation of Iron IIB sites with purported mid-eighth century seismic damage suggests better methodological controls are needed to identify seismic damage in the archaeological record. A number of interdisciplinary approaches, including post-disaster housing, earthquake eyewitness accounts, and gender and vulnerability studies are applied to Amos in order to provide a fresh perspective on identifying earthquake imagery within the book. These approaches help reconstruct the socioeconomic, political, and religious effects of the earthquake mentioned in Amos and illustrate how his oracles and prophetic validity would have been authenticated through the earthquake. These approaches also shed new light on "social justice" texts within Amos and how the aftermath of an earthquake would have underscored, anew, the gap between the rich and poor.
