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Corporate Elite Networks and the US Post-Cold War Grand Strategy from Clinton to Obama
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 54, Heft 4, S. 527-529
ISSN: 0486-4700
Chapter Ondergronds erfgoed
The Cold War was a tense time. The Netherlands took precautions to protect its people from potential disasters, in particular nuclear threats. One crucial aspect of this was the establishment of the Civil Defence Corps. The organisation played a key role in setting up command stations and training centres, such as the one in Overvoorde, Rijswijk, near The Hague, which ran exercises and training to prepare people for possible disasters. From large practice ruins to advanced alarm systems, the complex was fully equipped to deal with a broad range of threats. Although the threat of a nuclear attack subsided and the Civil Defence was officially disbanded in 1985, these command stations retained their importance. Many of them have since been repurposed, from storage sites to museums. The bunkers in Overvoorde now serve as an educational centre under the management of Korpora, the Public Safety Heritage Centre. By preserving these sites, we can ensure that future generations can learn from the past and the sacrifices that were made for their safety.
Van Koude Oorlog naar oorlog tegen terrorisme: achtergrond en problematiek huidige wereldpolitiek
In: Civis Mundi jaarboek 2007
Strategische samenwerking van de grote mogendheden in de VN-Veiligheidsraad 1946-2000
In: http://dspace.library.uu.nl/handle/1874/23541
The subject of this study is the strategic cooperation of the permanent members in the Security Council in the period 1946 2000. Because of their right of veto the cooperation of the permanent members has a significant influence on the functioning of the Council. The most important aspects of the cooperation that were investigated are the intensity of the cooperation and the ef-fectiveness of this cooperation in preventing and ending wars. To investigate these aspects, for both the intensity and the effectiveness measuring instruments were constructed. These measuring instruments were based on comprehensive sets of so-called 'leading indicators' and statistical methods and techniques. The intensity of the cooperation increased gradually from 1946 until 1990 (the end of the Cold War). Then it started to increase rapidly until 1996. From 1996 a slight decrease can be discer-ned. The strong increase in the strategic cooperation of the permanent members in the security Council can be established in all the majors forms of cooperation in the Council: the numbers of adopted strategic resolutions and presidential statements, the numbers of employed means (like peacekeeping missions and enforcement actions) and the amounts of money that were spent on peacekeeping activities. Further it was established that the response times of the Council regarding potential and waged wars dropped significantly since the end of the Cold War. The effectiveness of the cooperation of the permanent members in the Council was, insofar this was measurable with the applied method, not good for many years, but after the Cold War a clear improvement can be discerned. This goes for the prevention of wars, as well as for post war peacebuilding and the ending of wars. Also the numbers of potential and waged wars in which the Council not intervened dropped significantly since the end of the Cold War, as well as the use of vetoes. The large number of potential and waged wars in which the Council did not intervene during the Cold War was nearly exclusively caused by 'non decisions' (the non placing of wars on the agenda), and not by the use of vetoes by permanent members, as is often assumed in literature. Further, a comparison of two phase classifications of the Cold War showed that the great powers, even when there are great tensions among them, are prepared to cooperate in the Security Council to resolve strategic matters, if they consider this in their interest. Analyses of the adopted strategic resolutions during the Cold War revealed that cooperation here was nearly exclusively limited to issues that were not core issues of the Cold War. From this it can be concluded that cooperation against third party states was a basis of cooperation of the great powers in the Security Council. Finally, the results of this study show clearly that the Security Council was regarded and used to a large extent by the permanent members in the period 1946 2000 as an instrument of foreign policy to pursue their national interests, and not as an instrument of the world community to prevent and end wars.
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Wie dient er tussen te komen? De vraag naar het legitieme gezag bij het gebruik van militair geweld in het voormalige Joegoslavie͏̈ (1991-95)
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 43, Heft 1, S. 193-208
ISSN: 0486-4700
Duits-Nederlandse militaire samenwerking in de Koude Oorlog
In: Militaire spectator: MS ; maanblad ; waarin opgen. de officie͏̈le mededelingen van de Koninkl. Landmacht en de Koninkl. Luchtmacht, Band 174, Heft 12, S. 543-553
ISSN: 0026-3869
Hidden hand: Hoe een "intelligence failure" Reagan hielp de Koude Oorlog te winnen
In: Militaire spectator: MS ; maanblad ; waarin opgen. de officie͏̈le mededelingen van de Koninkl. Landmacht en de Koninkl. Luchtmacht, Band 12, Heft 180, S. 528-535
ISSN: 0026-3869
Out-of-area: De Koninklijke Marine en multinationale vlootoperaties 1945-2001 ; Out-of-area: The Royal Netherlands Navy and multinational fleet operations 1945-2001
In: https://dspace.library.uu.nl/handle/1874/343770
Between 1949 and 1962 the Netherlands renounced its sovereignty over most of its overseas territories. Nevertheless, during the entire period of the Cold War, the Royal Netherlands Navy (RNLN) stood by its point of view that it had a global task to fulfil. This military-naval deployment, outside the NATO treaty area during and shortly after the Cold War in relation to the structural global ambitions of the Royal Netherlands Navy's leadership, is the central theme of this study. This theme is analysed on the basis of theories and an understanding of multinational fleet operations after 1945 and Dutch policy regarding naval operations outside the NATO treaty area, but above all through regional case studies (Korean War 1950-1955, operations around the Arabian peninsula 1984-2000, and in the Adriatic Sea and Montenegrin waters 1992-2001). These case studies were examined by addressing the following central questions: to what extent did these missions involve a traditional approach to Dutch foreign policy? To what extent did the Navy's leadership influence the political-strategic decision-making on these out-of-area operations? To what extent were Dutch tasks and operations different from those of coalition partners, specifically those of the British Royal Navy, which the Royal Netherlands Navy considered to be its 'sister navy'? To what extent did the existing national and international perceptions of the RNLN influence Dutch decision-making on these missions, and how much did the participation in multinational fleet operations subsequently contribute to the objectives the Dutch government had in mind? In all the three case studies, the national and international perception of the Netherlands as a maritime nation and the ability to deploy high-quality navy units were taken into account in the Dutch government's decision-making regarding the RNLN participation in multinational fleet operations. The missions always received international, and especially British and American, appreciation and respect. The fact that ...
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Belgie en de transformatie van de navo
In: Studia diplomatica: Brussels journal of international relations, Band 60, Heft supp, S. 95-97
ISSN: 0770-2965
Since the end of the Cold War, three sensitive shifts have taken place within the NATO: territorial defense turned into "security", including securing the quality of life of NATO citizens; regional arena turned into a global one; suppressing Communism became the suppression of terrorism. Five discussed elements: threat evaluation aka "fight against terrorism", which sometimes loses touch with the unstable geo-strategic context; lacking flexibility and anticipation as regards to a hard to identify, asymmetric, and ever-changing enemy; a pro-active or protective contract attitude; the political context of current military operations; NATO regarding the UN and the EU. References. O. van Zijl
Bondgenootschap onder spanning. Nederlands-Amerikaanse betrekkingen, 1969-1976
In: https://dspace.library.uu.nl/handle/1874/208976
Dutch-American relations in the post-war period have been inexorably intertwined with the Cold War. In the course of the 1960s the East-West struggle entered a new phase with the beginning of a period of détente, which had important consequences for the Dutch-American relationship. In this dissertation, which focuses on the governmental level, the following issues are dealt with: firstly, to what extent was the relationship affected by the complicating developments that took place in the years 1969-1976? Secondly, how did Dutch and American policy makers view the relationship? Finally, what did the asymmetry in the relationship mean and were the Dutch able to exert any influence? When taking into account both international and domestic factors, the picture that emerges is one of both change and continuity. What makes the period concerned stand out is the fact that the Atlantic Alliance was at a point where a redefinition of the common goals seemed unavoidable. Security concerns and preserving the American dominant position in the international arena were the foremost concerns of President Nixon and NSC-advisor Kissinger. These ideas clashed with those of Dutch politicians of for instance the Labour Party who wanted détente, an active human rights policy and development cooperation to be part of the Atlantic foreign policy agenda. The American embassy in The Hague was aware of these changes: it noticed a turn to the left in Dutch society and the political landscape. The Dutch cabinets in the period concerned faced domestic pressure to take a more critical stance towards the United States, where the Nixon administration faced problems concerning its image and credibility because of the Vietnam war and the Watergate scandal. On the other hand, unmistakable signs of continuity in the Dutch-American relationship were present. The Dutch governments in the years concerned did not turn away from Atlantic cooperation, as the Netherlands remained dependent on the American military commitment to Western Europe. Détente was ...
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