Suchergebnisse

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

Migracije su fenomen koji se proteže kroz cijelu ljudsku povijest; one predstavljaju potrebu i nužnost. Brojni su push and pull uzročni faktori. Suvremene masovne migracije pretežno su obilježene premještanjem ljudi koji, u kombinaciji bijega od ratnih sukoba, disfunkcionalnih sustava upravljanja, klimatskih promjena i neimaštine, nastoje stići do sigurnijih i ekonomski razvijenih zemalja. Premda se većina trenutačne svjetske populacije migranata nalazi u državama Azije i Afrike, najveća pozornost posvećena je situacijama u kojima manje skupine pokušavaju dospjeti do država Europske unije, Australije ili primjerice SAD-a. Premda su ulazne migracije nužnost spomenutih zemalja, one nisu spremne za velike priljeve migranata, već navedeno žele projektirano odraditi kroz duže razdoblje. U tu svrhu razvijaju brojne politike, mjere i mehanizme, koji su predmet analize ovoga rada. Rad se posebno bavi kontekstom stvaranja i usporedbom migracijskih politika i postupaka Europske unije i Australije, njihovim sličnostima i razlikama. ; Migration is a phenomenon present throughout human history, as a need and a necessity. There are numerous push and pull factors which cause it. Modern mass migration is mostly marked as "relocating people who in combination with escape from war, dysfunctional management systems, climate change and poverty try to reach safer and economically developed countries". Although most of the current world population of migrants is located in countries of Asia and Africa, the greatest attention was paid to cases where small groups are trying to reach the European Union countries, Australia or the USA. Though in-migration is a necessity in these countries, they are not ready for large inflows of migrants and they want this process to unwind during a longer period of time. For this purpose, they develop a number of policies, measures and mechanisms, which are also the subject of analysis in this paper. This research is especially focused on the context of creation and comparison of the migration policy and procedures of the European Union and Australia, their similarities and differences.

Završio je Drugi svjetski rat, a svijetu je bio potreban mir. Većina lidera složila se da zajedno porade na tome. Radi toga je osnovana Organizacija Ujedinjenih naroda, kako bi zajednički radili na provedbi mira. Međutim, odmah nakon rata SAD i SSSR se sukobljavaju oko raznih važnih pitanja. Započinje razdoblje hladnog rata – vrijeme naoružavanja, natjecanja i stalne nesigurnosti. Siromašne afričke i azijske zemlje pokreću proces dekolonizacije tražeći suverenitet za svoje zemlje. Predvodnik tog pokreta je Indija, a nakon nje susjedne azijske države. Proces se nakon toga širi u Afriku. Azijske i afričke zemlje se počinju sastajati te s vremenom pokreću Pokret nesvrstanih. Veliku ulogu u tome imaju Naser, Nehru i Tito. Pokretom afričke i azijske zemlje dobivaju na važnosti na diplomatskoj sceni. Sukladno uz to, velike sile se bore za strateške točke te dolazi do mnogih sukoba. Najteži se događaju u Aziji i Africi. Veliki sukob dogodio se između Židova i Arapa na Bliskom istoku. U isto vrijeme događaju se i veliki sukobi na Korejskom i Indokineskom poluotoku. U sva tri sukoba bili su uključene velike sile, a neke od njih su sukobe čak i inicirale. ; The World War II ended and the world needed peace. Most of the leaders agreed to work together for this aim. That is why the United Nations was established. However, immediately after the war, the United States and the USSR are confronted about various important issues. The Cold War begins - the time of armament, competition and constant insecurity. The poor African and Asian countries are launching a process of decolonization, seeking sovereignty for their countries. The leader of this movement was India, and its neighboring Asian state. Then, the process spreads to Africa. Asian and African countries are beginning to meet and in time launch Non-Aligned Movement. Naser, Nehru and Tito had a major role in this. With NonAligned Movement, African and Asian countries gain importance on the diplomatic scene. Accordingly, great powers struggle for strategic points and many ...

Krajem Hladnog rata i kolapsom blokovskog sustava dolazi do procvata mirovnih operacija Ujedinjenih naroda koji teže utemeljiti svoju transformiranu ulogu u novom globalnom okruženju. Jedne od prvih demonstracija nove, aktivnije uloge UN-a bile su dvije, svojom složenošću vrlo slične, mirovne misije: UNTAC u Kambodži i UNPROFOR u bivšoj Jugoslaviji. Unatoč brojnim zajedničkim karakteristikama, te su misije ishodile vrlo različitim rezultatima. Dok UNTAC mirovnu misiju u Kambodži UN ponosno ističe kao jednu od najvećih uspjeha, UNPROFOR u bivšoj Jugoslaviji je priznat kao jedan od najvećih neuspjeha međunarodne zajednice. Rad se vodi idejom da bi upravo navedene misije, s potpuno različitih krajeva spektra, mogle otkriti jedan od ključnih faktora koji utječu na uspješnost peacekeepinga. Podrobnom analizom oba sukoba i obije misije potvrdit će se hipoteza kako se upravo taj odlučujući faktor, koji je odredio uspjeh u Kambodži, odnosno neuspjeh u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, ne nalazi unutar same mirovne misije, već se odnosi na karakter sukoba, to jest dužinu njegova vremenskog trajanja. ; Along with the Cold War ending and the Communist bloc demise, the United Nations, while seeking to establish its transformed role in the new global environment, begin to rapidly increase the number of peacekeeping missions. One of the first demonstrations of UN's new, more active role were two, by their complexity, very similar peace missions: UNTAC in Cambodia and UNPROFOR in Former Yugoslavia. Despite the numerous shared features, these missions produced substantialy different results. While the UN proudly upholds the UNTAC peace mission as one of the Organization's greatest archievements, UNPROFOR in the Former Yugoslavia is regarded as one of the biggest defeats of the international community. This paper aims to detect one of the key factors which influence the probability of peacekeeping success while comparing two missions from different ends of the spectrum. With the detailed analisis of both conflicts and missions, the hypothesis ...

U radu se analiziraju četiri slučaja diplomacije prinude od kojih svaka predstavlja jedan aspekt suvremenih sigurnosnih ugroza: teritorijalna agresija motivirana nacionalističkim i etničkim aspiracijama (Bosna), agresija protiv vlastitog stanovništva zbog želje za samoodređenjem (Kosovo), terorizam (Afganistan) i oružje za masovno uništavanje (Irak). Cilj je provedene analize identificirati čimbenike koji su utjecali na ishod (uspjeh/neuspjeh) provedene strategije. Kao kriterij vrednovanja ishoda koristi se Jentlensonov cost/benefit model koji se temelji na zadovoljenju kriterija proporcionalnosti, recipročnosti i vjerodostojnosti. Uspjeh diplomacije prinude u Bosni imao je značajan utjecaj na odabir strategije za Kosovo, koji se smatra graničnim uspjehom s obzirom na dugotrajnost zračne kampanje. Diplomacija prinude u slučaju Afganistana i Iraka nije polučila željene rezultate te su ciljevi ostvareni primjenom sveobuhvatne vojne sile. Uzevši u obzir rezultate analize koji upućuju na zaključak da je diplomacija prinude, unatoč konceptualnoj jednostavnosti, kompleksna strategija čiji je ishod uvelike određen nizom kontekstualnih varijabli uz prilično ambivalentan karakter, svrha je ovoga rada spoznaja korisnosti i perspektive primjenjivosti Jentlensonova modela u objašnjenju uspjeha, odnosno neuspjeha strategije prinude. ; This paper analyzes four cases of coercive diplomacy each representing one aspect of contemporary security threats: territorial aggression motivated by nationalist and ethnic aspirations (Bosnia), aggression motivated by self-determination (Kosovo), terrorism (Afghanistan) and weapons of mass destruction (Iraq). The aim of the analysis is to identify factors that had impact on the outcome (success/failure) of coercive strategy. Jentleson cost benefit model based on the criteria of proportionality, reciprocity and credibility is used as the criterion for valuing outcome. The successfull aplication od coercive diplomacy in Bosnia played a major role in creating Kosovo`s coercive strategy witch is regarded as a marginal success due to continuance of the air campaign. Coercive diplomacy in cases of Afganistan and Iraq had faild and goals were achieved through application of brute force. Taking into account the results of the analysis that points to the conclusion that coercive diplomacy, despite conceptual simplicity, is a complex strategy whose outcome is influenced by a number of contextual variables with rather ambivalent character, the purpose of this paper is to comprehend the effectiveness and perspectives of the applicability of Jentlenson model in verification of success or failure of coercive strategy.

Post hladnoratovsko proširenje NATO-a, u dosad provedena dva kruga, predstavlja najveću i najvažniju geopolitičku promjenu u Europi, nakon geopolitičke tranzicije koja se u Europi odigrala u razdoblju od 1989. do 1991. g. Treći krug proširenja, koji uključuje Hrvatsku i Albaniju, otvoren je davanjem pozivnica ovim državama na Summitu NATO-a u Bukureštu u travnju 2008. g. Proširenje je bilo i još uvijek jest dio preobrazbe NATO-a u post hladnoratovskom razdoblju u kojem je NATO evoluirao iz tradicionalnog vojnopolitičkog saveza u kombinaciju saveza i sigurnosne zajednice. Proširenje je također bilo i jest izraz američke pobjede u hladnom ratu i uzdizanja SAD-a u jedinu svjetsku supersilu. NATO je povećao svoj teritorijalni obuhvat, promijenio svoje misije, sposobnosti i ciljeve, te ih nastavlja mijenjati kako bi ostao spreman odgovoriti na buduće sigurnosne izazove koji se postavljaju pred njegove članice. Najveći izazov NATO-u u budućnosti mogao bi doći iznutra, a to je mogućnost da postane sredstvo američke globalne geostrategije i njenih ciljeva. Ako NATO želi ostati legitimnim savezom i izrastati u sigurnosnu zajednicu, ne smije postati sredstvo za ispunjavanje geopolitičkih i geostrateških ciljeva samo jedne države, pa čak ni SAD-a. Stoga je u odnosima SAD-a i Europe potreban uravnotežen pristup, prema kojem SAD ne bi koristile vojnu moć kako bi nametale svoje geopolitičke i geostrateške ciljeve pod svaku cijenu. ; The Post-Cold War enlargement of NATO, in two rounds so far, was the biggest and the most important geopolitical change in Europe, after the geopolitical transition that took place in Europe from 1989 to 1991. A third round of the enlargement, which includes Croatia and Albania, was opened at the NATO summit in Bucharest in April 2008, by sending invitations to these two states. Enlargement was and still is a part of NATO's transformation in the Post-Cold War Era in which NATO has evolved from a traditional form of military-political alliance into a combination of an alliance and security community. It also was and still is an expression of American triumph in the Cold War and the rising of the USA to a status of the world's only superpower. NATO has enlarged its territorial reach, changed its missions, capabilities and objectives, and is continuing to modify them so that it could stay prepared for the future security challenges facing its members. The biggest challenge facing NATO in the future may be coming from the inside – the possibility of becoming a tool of USA's global geostrategy and its aims. If NATO wants to remain a legitimate alliance and develop itself towards the security community, it must not become a tool for fulfilling the geopolitical and geostrategic goals of only one state, not even the USA. Therefore, a balanced approach in American-European relations is needed, according to which the USA would not use its military power to impose its geopolitical and geostrategic objectives at any cost.

1948. bila je prijelomna godina za jugoslavensko-američke odnose i američku vanjsku politiku prema Jugoslaviji. Nakon razlaza sa Staljinom, američka administracija formulirala je "strategiju klina" u svrhu održavanja Tita "na površini" te, osim ekonomske i vojne pomoći, pokrenula niz kulturnih programa namijenjenih približavanju Jugoslavije Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama. Članak analizira aktivnosti kao i kulturnu i intelektualnu atraktivnost Američke čitaonice u Zagrebu u jeku Hladnog rata kao dio američke javne i kulturne diplomacije. Nastao je na temelju usmenog intervjua te je popraćen međunarodnim arhivskim istraživanjem (National Archives at College Park i University of Arkansas Library, SAD; Arhiv Jugoslavije, Arhiv Josipa Broza Tita i Historijski arhiv grada Beograda, Beograd; Hrvatski državni arhiv, Zagreb; te Roosevelt Institute for American Studies Microfilm Collection). Autorica tvrdi da je kroz djelatnosti čitaonice, programe kulturnih razmjena, radio Glas Amerike, američkih paviljona na Zagrebačkom i Beogradskom velesajmu, kao i preko kulturnih gostovanja, američka vlada uspješno vezala jugoslavenski kulturni prostor za zapadne, američke trendove i tendencije. Kroz perspektivu osobnog svjedoka, direktorice United States Information Servicea (USIS) Zagreb, autorica izlaže uspjehe, granice i prostore pregovaranja američke javne diplomacije (public diplomacy) kao validnog instrumenta američke vanjske politike prema Titovoj Jugoslaviji. ; 1948 was a breakthrough year for the Yugoslav-American bilateral relations and the US foreign policy towards Yugoslavia. After the Tito-Stalin split, the US administration conceived a "wedge strategy" to "keep Tito afloat" and, besides economic and military aid, launched a series of cultural programs aimed at bringing Yugoslavia closer to the United States. The article analyzes the activities as well as the cultural and intellectual attractiveness of the American Library Zagreb at the height of the Cold War as part of the US public diplomacy strategy in socialist Yugoslavia. Based on an oral interview, the article relies on international archival research at the National Archives at College Park and the University of Arkansas Library, USA, the Yugoslav Archives, Josip Broz Tito's Archives, Belgrade's Historical Archives, Belgrade, the Croatian State Archives, and the Roosevelt Institute for American Studies Microfilm Collection. The author argues that through the library activities, the cultural exchange programs, the Voice of America, and the American pavilions at the Zagreb and Belgrade Fair, as well as through cultural visits, the US government successfully linked the Yugoslav cultural space to Western, American trends and tendencies. Through the perspective of a witness, the United States Information Service (USIS) director in Zagreb, the author presents the successes, boundaries and negotiating spaces of the US public diplomacy as a valid instrument of US foreign policy towards Tito's Yugoslavia.

This paper analyses the political background of the departure of the Croatian Heritage Foundation's (CHF) delegation to Australia in summer 1971, i.e. the political reasons behind it and the purpose of the visit. Believing their influence among the expatriates to be great, the CHF decided to use an opportune moment of political divisions among the expatriates in order to neutralise the influence of the political émigrés among the expatriates while simultaneously attempting to gain the support of most expatriates for building closer ties with the homeland and accepting its socialist social-political system. The political divisions among the expatriates, the so-called differentiation process, was a consequence of political differences among the émigrés themselves, the arrival of new expatriates, and the positive influence of political movements in Croatia during the Croatian Spring. This process was particularly prominent in Australia, which was also seen as a bastion of reactionary expatriates, strongly influenced by Croatian political émigrés. The CHF delegation's journey was planned in agreement with political factors from the Socialist Republic of Croatia. The tenets of the Tenth Session of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia and the climate of the Croatian Spring—which included a strengthening of Croatian identity at the expense of Yugoslav identity among expatriates—served as their political milestones. The Football Federation of Croatia worked with the CHF in Croatia, while the managements of the football clubs 'Croatia', Croatian associations that split off from Croatian Halls owned by political émigrés, Committees of the Croatian Cancer League, the 'Croatian Youth' organisation, and parts of the clergy and the pro-Yugoslav émigrés who were ready to work with the rest of the Croatian expatriates were all seen as potential collaborators. The Yugoslav diplomatic missions and consular posts were seen as the factors that should spearhead the differentiation process, but were also ...