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This introductory article presents a short overview of the evolution of populism since the late-19th century forms to the most recent Western European formulas. Starting from a short conceptual inquiry, the article provides a precise analytical picture of the different changes in the form and content of populism across time and space. Previously connected with radical right formulas, the article illustrates how different new populist parties have partly embraced a left-wing program such as in the case of Podemos in Spain or La France insoumise in the French case. The last part of the article provides possible scenarios for the future. In particular, despite the recent evolutions in the Austrian, Dutch and French elections, the analysis stresses the fact that the populist mood has progressively influenced traditional politics (i.e. the topic of immigration, the search of charismatic figures, the questioning of representative democracy). The article concludes with an open question about the future of a populist from below.

Austria : a Politicised Civil Service Losing its Influence.
The Austrian civil service presents several distinctive features which are rarely found in other countries. Austrian history demonstrates that, for a long time, a close relationship has been maintained between the civil service and politics. Study of this relationship reveals to what extent civil servants' membership of a political party could influence their career. It leads in particular to the question of whether or not political affiliation limits civil servants' freedom of action.

At the very beginning of the 21st century, a team of archaeologists dived on the wreck of a small 18th century warship in the north of the current Dominican Republic. Its hull is of American manufacture, its guns are Scottish and the buttons of uniforms are French. After having followed some false leads, the research in the National Archives makes it possible to solve this enigma: it concerns the French corvette Dragon of Chevalier de L'Espine, destroyed in January 1783 after a short action against British vessels ensuring the northern blockade of Santo Domingo. This identification serves as a catalyst for a historical research of which Chevalier Joseph de L'Espine du Puy (1759-1826) constitutes the central character. The investigation reveals the fate of the Navy officer L'Espine upstream and downstream of his gallant action in January 1783. Young Knight of Malta and officer of the Navy of Louis XVI, L'Espine participated in the American Revolution, did a mandatory service in the Navy of Malta, and took part in French naval intelligence secret missions. The French Revolution ruined his hopes and forced him into exile. In Austria, he won the confidence of the high Austrian authorities by unambiguously engaging with the armies of France from 1795. L'Espine quickly became one of the brains of an Austrian Navy questioned at each treaty signed between France and Austria. Promoted to Feldmarschall-Leutnant in 1813, L'Espine decided not to return to France at the Restauration. Appointed Governor of Milan in November 1825, he died there on December 31, 1826. ; Au tout début du XXIe siècle, une équipe d'archéologues plonge sur l'épave d'un petit navire de guerre du XVIIIe siècle, au nord de l'actuelle République Dominicaine. Sa coque est de fabrication américaine, ses canons sont écossais et les boutons d'uniformes sont français. Après avoir suivi quelques fausses pistes, la recherche aux Archives nationales permet de résoudre l'énigme : il s'agit de la corvette française Dragon du chevalier de l'Espine, détruite en ...

At the very beginning of the 21st century, a team of archaeologists dived on the wreck of a small 18th century warship in the north of the current Dominican Republic. Its hull is of American manufacture, its guns are Scottish and the buttons of uniforms are French. After having followed some false leads, the research in the National Archives makes it possible to solve this enigma: it concerns the French corvette Dragon of Chevalier de L'Espine, destroyed in January 1783 after a short action against British vessels ensuring the northern blockade of Santo Domingo. This identification serves as a catalyst for a historical research of which Chevalier Joseph de L'Espine du Puy (1759-1826) constitutes the central character. The investigation reveals the fate of the Navy officer L'Espine upstream and downstream of his gallant action in January 1783. Young Knight of Malta and officer of the Navy of Louis XVI, L'Espine participated in the American Revolution, did a mandatory service in the Navy of Malta, and took part in French naval intelligence secret missions. The French Revolution ruined his hopes and forced him into exile. In Austria, he won the confidence of the high Austrian authorities by unambiguously engaging with the armies of France from 1795. L'Espine quickly became one of the brains of an Austrian Navy questioned at each treaty signed between France and Austria. Promoted to Feldmarschall-Leutnant in 1813, L'Espine decided not to return to France at the Restauration. Appointed Governor of Milan in November 1825, he died there on December 31, 1826. ; Au tout début du XXIe siècle, une équipe d'archéologues plonge sur l'épave d'un petit navire de guerre du XVIIIe siècle, au nord de l'actuelle République Dominicaine. Sa coque est de fabrication américaine, ses canons sont écossais et les boutons d'uniformes sont français. Après avoir suivi quelques fausses pistes, la recherche aux Archives nationales permet de résoudre l'énigme : il s'agit de la corvette française Dragon du chevalier de l'Espine, détruite en janvier 1783 à l'issue d'un court combat contre des vaisseaux britanniques assurant le blocus nord de Saint-Domingue. Cette identification sert de catalyseur à une recherche historique dont le chevalier Joseph de L'Espine du Puy (1759-1826) constitue le personnage central. L'enquête révèle le destin de l'officier de la Marine L'Espine, en amont puis en aval de son fait d'armes de janvier 1783. Jeune chevalier de Malte et officier de la Marine de Louis XVI, L'Espine participe à la guerre de l'Indépendance américaine, effectue un passage obligé dans la Marine de Malte, et participe à des missions secrètes françaises de renseignement naval. La Révolution française vient briser ses espérances et l'oblige à l'exil. En Autriche, il gagne la confiance des hautes autorités autrichiennes en s'engageant sans ambiguïté contre les armées de la France à partir de 1795. L'Espine devient rapidement l'un des cerveaux d'une Marine de guerre autrichienne remise en question à chaque traité signé entre la France et l'Autriche. Promu Feldmarschall-Leutnant en 1813, L'Espine décide de ne pas rentrer en France à la Restauration. Nommé Gouverneur de Milan en novembre 1825, il y meurt le 31 décembre 1826.

In fragment 143 of Minima Moralia, Adorno writes: « The task of art today is to bring chaos into order. » (« Aufgabe von Kunst heute ist es, Chaos in die Ordnung zu bringen »). If the representation in the Aristotelian sense of the term is to be understood as an attempt to put reality in order, then the program of Adorno is to be understood as an attempt to « find a way out of the Aristotelian space ». As soon as the chaos is introduced into fiction, the discourse is no longer organized according to a telos and this point is related to a refusal of causality in fiction. Chaos (or to bring chaos into art) is then made the image of the cataclysms of the 20th century: the work of art takes the form of what it tries to save the memory. Therefore, Adorno's project can be linked to the fictionalization of history. If the ordering aims toward a form of unity, it formally consists in an erasure of the difference which could go as far as an erasure of the conflicts. To preserve the memory of political violence, the chosen form must consist in a refusal of a hypostasis of identity (of the Same) in order to open up to the Other. According to Adorno's formula, "bringing chaos" into art is a way of including the tears caused by the political violence of the 20th century. Through a series of texts by Austrian (Thomas Bernhard, Elfriede Jelinek), Chilean (Roberto Bolaño), French (Mathieu Riboulet, Leslie Kaplan, Alban Lefranc), American (Philip Roth, Don DeLillo) and Italian (Giorgio Vasta) writers, we wanted to build a thought of the representation of political violence. ; Dans le fragment 143 de Minima Moralia, Adorno écrit : « La mission actuelle de l'art est d'introduire le chaos dans l'ordre » (« Aufgabe von Kunst heute ist es, Chaos in die Ordnung zu bringen »). Si la représentation au sens aristotélicien du terme est à entendre en tant que mise en ordre du réel, alors le programme d'Adorno est à entendre comme une tentative de « [s]ortir de l'espace aristotélicien ». Dès lors que le chaos est introduit dans la fiction, ...

Charles-Joseph de Ligne (1735-1814), a Wallon and European Prince, subject of the Austro-Hungary Empire, a heartbreaker of the French Europe, is considered the most famous representative of literary cosmopolitanism. War, love and writing were inseparable in his life. He took part in numerous military campaigns, serving both Austria and Russia, as a Russian colonel, a commander of the order of Maria Theresa, and an Austrian fi eld marshal. He authored various texts related to war; he admired heroism of Charles II, Conde, the tactics of Frederick II, the strategies of Napoleon, Catherine II. The latter was immportalized in de Ligne's various texts representing different literary genres. The Prince was clearly fascinated by the Empress, and he depicted her in a positive light as an educated person, both agreable and determined. Can we, however, talk about the documentary character of his work ? Instead, the Prince seems to be a documentalist-interpreter. ; Charles-Joseph de Ligne (1735-1814), a Wallon and European Prince, subject of the Austro-Hungary Empire, a heartbreaker of the French Europe, is considered the most famous representative of literary cosmopolitanism. War, love and writing were inseparable in his life. He took part in numerous military campaigns, serving both Austria and Russia, as a Russian colonel, a commander of the order of Maria Theresa, and an Austrian field marshal. He authored various texts related to war; he admired heroism of Charles II, Conde, the tactics of Frederick II, the strategies of Napoleon, Catherine II. The latter was immortalized in de Ligne's various texts representing different literary genres. The Prince was clearly fascinated by the Empress, and he depicted her in a positive light as an educated person, both agreable and determined. Can we, however, talk about the documentary character of his work ? Instead, the Prince seems to be a documentalist-interpreter.

International audience ; From 1742 until the end of the War of the Austrian Succession, Britain maintained very significant naval forces in the Mediterranean, which demonstrated the support given by George II to Maria Theresa of Austria to defend her possessions in Italy. British intervention in the Mediterranean therefore questions the ability of an 18th century navy (even the most powerful of the time) to influence the course of a continental war, fought on Mediterranean battlefields but nevertheless on land. This paper gives the rough outline of a global assessment of this naval intervention, which has still not found its historian, although it is one of the longest and most massive in the history of the Royal Navy. What was expected in London by deploying such forces in the region? have its objectives been achieved? and at what cost? To answer these questions, the following points are successively studied: 1. the strategic context in which the intervention took place; 2. the logistical difficulties which the Navy had to face to operate in the Mediterranean; 3. the use of naval force in support of allied land armies. ; À compter de 1742, la Grande-Bretagne a maintenu de puissantes forces navales en Méditerranée pendant toute la guerre de Succession d'Autriche. En principe, ce déploiement de forces devait manifester, avec force, le soutien accordé par Georges II à Marie-Thérèse d'Autriche pour la défense de ses possessions en Italie. L'intervention en Méditerranée pose donc une question : celle de la capacité d'une marine, si puissante soit-elle à influer sur le cours d'une guerre terrestre, livrée sur des champs de bataille certes méditerranéens, mais qui n'ont bien souvent rien de maritime. Cette contribution constitue l'esquisse d'un bilan global de cette intervention qui n'a toujours pas trouvé, en tant que telle, son historien, alors qu'il s'agit de l'une des plus longues et, toutes proportions gardées, des plus massives de toute l'histoire de la Royal Navy. Qu'espérait-on à Londres en déployant de ...

Mis en ligne le 24 septembre 2013 ; L'histoire des marchands ottomans est aujourd'hui encore confisquée par des approches communautaires relevant de modèles ethno-religieux. En considérant les ressortissants de la Sublime Porte en fonction de la protection politique que leur accorde le Sultan, et que leur reconnaît l'Empereur sur son domaine, il est néanmoins possible de saisir les enjeux et les avantages d'être un sujet turc à l'étranger. De plus, les catégories religieuses et nationales présentes dans les sources de la Hofkammer sont d'abord le produit d'une confessionnalisation conduite par l'administration impériale, qui reste des plus banales dans l'histoire de l'Allemagne moderne. Or, les marchands musulmans, juifs, arméniens et orthodoxes issus de l'Empire ottoman se caractérisent à Vienne par une pratique similaire du commerce. Leur étude globale met en avant une série de stratégies économiques et politiques les conduisant à infléchir le cadre légal de leur présence et à s'imposer ensemble à la bourgeoisie municipale. ; History of Ottoman merchants trading in early modern Central Europe is usually divided in particular community historiographies based on national and ethno-religious patterns. Studying them, according to the political protection allowed by the Sultan and respected by the Holly Roman Emperor on his own-estates, enables to figure out the stakes and the advantages to be a Turkish subject abroad and especially in the Austrian monarchy. Moreover, the national and religious categories singled out of the Hofkammer's materials resulted from a late confessionnalisation lead by the Imperial administration that is very basic in the early modern German history. Yet, Muslim, Jewish, Armenian or Greek merchants from the Ottoman Empire, running their busyness in the 18th-century Vienna, are characterized by a same way of trade. Studying the entire Ottoman group reveals that, through a set of economic and political strategies, the Ottoman merchants modify the Austrian law to their benefit and to the detriment of the bourgeoisie of Vienna and its commercial monopoly.

International audience ; From 1742 until the end of the War of the Austrian Succession, Britain maintained very significant naval forces in the Mediterranean, which demonstrated the support given by George II to Maria Theresa of Austria to defend her possessions in Italy. British intervention in the Mediterranean therefore questions the ability of an 18th century navy (even the most powerful of the time) to influence the course of a continental war, fought on Mediterranean battlefields but nevertheless on land. This paper gives the rough outline of a global assessment of this naval intervention, which has still not found its historian, although it is one of the longest and most massive in the history of the Royal Navy. What was expected in London by deploying such forces in the region? have its objectives been achieved? and at what cost? To answer these questions, the following points are successively studied: 1. the strategic context in which the intervention took place; 2. the logistical difficulties which the Navy had to face to operate in the Mediterranean; 3. the use of naval force in support of allied land armies. ; À compter de 1742, la Grande-Bretagne a maintenu de puissantes forces navales en Méditerranée pendant toute la guerre de Succession d'Autriche. En principe, ce déploiement de forces devait manifester, avec force, le soutien accordé par Georges II à Marie-Thérèse d'Autriche pour la défense de ses possessions en Italie. L'intervention en Méditerranée pose donc une question : celle de la capacité d'une marine, si puissante soit-elle à influer sur le cours d'une guerre terrestre, livrée sur des champs de bataille certes méditerranéens, mais qui n'ont bien souvent rien de maritime. Cette contribution constitue l'esquisse d'un bilan global de cette intervention qui n'a toujours pas trouvé, en tant que telle, son historien, alors qu'il s'agit de l'une des plus longues et, toutes proportions gardées, des plus massives de toute l'histoire de la Royal Navy. Qu'espérait-on à Londres en déployant de pareilles forces dans la région ? les objectifs que l'on s'était proposés ont-ils été atteints ? et à quel prix ? Sont successivement évoqués, pour répondre à cette question : 1. le contexte stratégique dans lequel elle se déroule l'intervention ; 2. les difficultés logistiques auxquelles la Navy a dû faire face pour opérer massivement et de façon prolongée sur le théâtre méditerranéen ; 3. les modalités pratiques, concrètes, d'emploi de la force navale au profit des armées de terre alliées.