Suchergebnisse

An assessment of the first 10 years of the "Contemporary Austrian Studies" (CAS) series restates the original editorial philosophy of providing "an international & comprehensive interdisciplinary approach" to advance the study of Austria. The goal of providing equal space for all periods of post-Habsburg history has not as yet been met, but it is hoped that the lack of attention given to the interwar period will be remedied with future volumes. The inclusion of historiography round tables, as well as extensive review essays & book reviews, has encouraged debate, & annual political reviews have given readers outside Austria an opportunity to keep up with Austrian political events. A statistical survey of CAS essays & their chronological distribution is included, along with the names & nationalities of CAS board members over the years. 1 Table. J. Lindroth

Presents an overview of Austria's foreign policy since 1918 to argue that globalization tends to weaken smaller states like Austria while regionalization offers opportunities for these nations to avoid dependencies. However, the advantages/disadvantages of regionalization & globalization are also determined by the strength of a state's identity. Austria's identity was weak for much of its existence, which seriously affected Austrian attitudes toward regionalization/globalization until very recently. An analysis of the impact of regionalization(s) & globalization(s) on Austrian foreign policy is divided into two stages: Austria's existence as a small state (1918-1928) followed by German annexation (1938-1940); & the period following reestablishment of independence in 1945. It is maintained that the First Republic & authoritarian rule were severely challenged by the decline of the nation state & they were unable to develop the "leverage of the weak" that was used so effectively by the Second Republic. In spite of repeated crises & shifts in Austrian identity, Austrian foreign policy has implemented regionalization & globalization as complementary strategies aimed at maintaining its independence. J. Lindroth

"This paper aims to trace the development of the main strands of sociological thought in Austria, to present characteristic research conducted by Austrian sociologists and to provide an answer to the question which European schools have influenced sociology in Austria and, if this is found to be the case, which Austrian ideas have possibly prevaded European sociology." (excerpt)

More often than not, the State did not acknowledge the matrimonial norms as settled by the Church. This relation seems to have altered towards the end of the 19th century, when the State succeeded in imposing on the Church the respect for the general civil framework. Yet, the change was not radical. The Church and the State were still pretty connected. The State acknowledged the Church's right to be in charge with officiating marriages, with bed and home separation according to the requirements of each confession. However, the State had the right to supervise the civil and military status, the relationship between the spouses, legacy, legal guardianship, the issue of supporting children and spouses and many others. The Church admitted the involvement of the State in major demographic issues in an individual's life.
As time went by, the State became more and more complex while its legislation became ever more "lay". It is true that willy-nilly lay legislation borrowed norms and regulations belonging to Church's legislation. The frail State – Church dualism on family law was influenced by lay laws enforcing the lay legitimacy of important moments in man's life. Matrimonial laws as set out in 1894 were the most complex laws in the 19th century. Due to their clarity, they managed to put an end to misunderstandings between lay and Church authorities. Moreover, the matrimonial issues between different confessions were in favour of the State. Civil law very clearly favoured family and children's interests. They were all conceived to better supervise individual's education in a moral family where the Church would still have an influence.

In diesem Beitrag wird die Mobilisierung der Wähler durch die NSDAP und die übrigen Parteien in der ersten österreichischen Republik zwischen 1930 und 1933 im Vergleich zum Deutschen Reich - besonders Berlin und Bayern - untersucht. Im Vordergrund steht die Wirkungsweise von "Cleavages" auf das österreichische Parteiensystem jener Zeit. Unter Cleavages werden dabei analog einer Definition von Pappi dauerhafte politische Konflikte verstanden, die in der Sozialstruktur ihre Verankerung haben und im Parteiensystem ihren Niederschlag finden. In dem katholisch geprägten und städtearmen Österreich jener Zeit bedeutet dies vor allem eine Kontrastierung des Spannungsverhältnisses zwischen der Hauptstadt Wien und dem restlichen Land, das heißt, zwischen Zentrum und Peripherie. Datenbasis sind die Wahlergebnisse der Nationalratswahlen vom 9.11.1930, Einzelergebnisse der Landtagswahlen 1931 und 1932 in Österreich, sowie der Gemeindedatensatz aller österreichischen Gemeinden nach Wahlergebnissen, Konfessionsdaten und der Gliederung der Bevölkerung nach Wirtschaftsabteilungen (analog zum Deutschen Reich) laut Volkszählung 1934 in Österreich. Mit diesen Daten wurden überwiegend Korrelationsanalysen auf Aggregatdatenebene durchgeführt, die keine Rückschlüsse auf die Individualebene zulassen. Ganz deutlich weisen die Analysen eine Gegensätzlichkeit von Metropole (Wien) und Provinz aus, was zu einer getrennten Betrachtung der Wählerbasis der Parteienlager führt. Der Untersuchung des Wahlverhaltens in Wien wird in einem weiteren Abschnitt ein Vergleich zwischen Wien und Berlin hinzugefügt. Anschließende Abschnitte sind dem Wahlverhalten im übrigen Österreich und dann einem Vergleich zwischen diesem und Bayern als ähnlicher Peripherie innerhalb des Deutschen Reiches gewidmet. (ICF)

Daunton und Wagner führen eine vergleichende Analyse der Bestimmungsgrößen der Profitabilität zweier großer öffentlicher Unternehmen des 19. Jhs., der britischen Post Office Savings Bank und des österreichischen Postsparkassen-Amts, durch. Als Quellenbasis dienten Protokolle, Jahres- und Rechenschaftsberichte sowie ältere und neuere Sekundärliteratur. Die Post Office Savings Bank diente dem Postsparkassen-Amt zwar als Modell, doch übertraf das österreichische Institut das britische Vorbild an innerorganisatorischer Flexibilität. Das Postsparkassen-Amt operierte auch unter günstigeren Absatzbedingungen als die Post Office Savings Bank, die nur geringe Chancen besaß, in den Bereich des überregionalen Scheckverkehrs vorzustoßen, der den ertragreichsten Geschäftszweig des österreichischen Instituts bildete. Den Hauptgrund für die unterschiedliche zeitliche Entwicklung der relativen Profitabilität der britischen und der österreichischen Postsparkasse sehen die Autoren in den mittelfristigen Trends, denen die Zinssätze auf dem Londoner und Wiener Kapitalmarkt unterlagen. Die Untersuchung enthält einen umfangreichen Tabellenanhang. (STR)

After the peace of Karlovitz, the Mureş River became the official border between the two great empires: the Habsburg and the Ottoman Empire. In this context was organized the military border Tisa-Mureş, and the first called to defend the region were the Serbs, recognized for their military skills. The authorities created the first militarized localities in the county of Arad simultaneously with the first arrival of Serb immigrants in this region. Their presence in the city of Arad and other settlements located on the right bank of the Mureş River changed the ethnic proportions in these areas.
The situation modified after Banat was conquered by Austrians and after the abolishment of the Tisa-Mureş military border. Most Serbs emigrated to the south of Mureş River and even in Russia, their share in the city and county of Arad decreasing significantly after the mid eighteenth century.

Investigates discourse surrounding the Kurt Waldheim affair in Austria since its eruption in 1986 in terms of a we-Other discourse, drawing on an analysis of documents related to Waldheim's actions during WWII; research by historians on Waldheims's war role; newspaper reports, press releases, & documents of the World Jewish Congress; & statements of & interviews with politicians & citizens. It is found that anti-Semitic prejudice is a typical feature of this discourse. Several categories of prejudice are especially evident, eg, stereotypes of Jews as dishonest & tricky, an international Jewish conspiracy (das Ausland), & the notion that Jews are more privileged than other people. Further, texts have engaged in strategies of victim-victimizer role reversals, scapegoating, & distortion in discussions of Jews. These strategies & stereotypes are taken to compose a form of Christian anti-Semitism that has a long history in Austrian culture. More recent forms of discrimination against foreigners (eg, Turks) are shown to be modeled on classic anti-Semitism & augment, rather than replace, the continued Othering of the Jewish people. 28 References. D. M. Smith

The ethnic structure of this region has been heavily influenced by the evolution of the various historico-geographical factors and policies. Most of this structure, however, is linked to the evolution of the denominational structure. Ethnicity in this case is closely related to religion. The political reality, the events with political overtones that occurred during these centurieshad a direct influence regarding the conduct of processes and phenomena related to the ethno-confessional evolution of the area subject to our research. In this period the region is part of the Austrian state (before 1867), Austro-Hungarian Empire (1867 to 1918), Hungary (1940-1944) and Romania (1918-1940, 1944 - present). This space is located in the western area and it is mainly inhabited by Romanians. The continuous presence of Romanians here is documented ever since its formation. The ethnic group of Romanians has been facing a considerable demographic pressure that came from the Hungarians (the neighbouring ethnic group) or from groups or immigrants settled in this space (we refer in this case mainly to the Germans, Slovaks, Gypsies and Jews).
Major geopolitical changes of the twentieth century and political decisions, especially extremist dictatorial regimes (Horthyst-Hungarian and communist-Romanian) led to significant changes in the ethnic structure of the region northwest Transylvania. Policy decisions, especially those taken during the dictatorial political and extremist regimes during the twentieth centurywere able to seriously affect ethno-religious realities of the Romanian space, especially in Transylvania. Be it the Hungarian or Romanian authorities during the two world wars or the communist dictatorship, decisions were taken that changed the ethnic map of the Romanian space. Suffice it to recall the drama of the Jewish community of the Second World War or the "sale" of the Germans and the Jews by the Communists in the postwar period.

Der Beitrag verfolgt zwei Ziele. Zum einen will er Schütz' Auseinandersetzung mit den Grundlagen der Ökonomie aufarbeiten, zum anderen soll die Relevanz der Schützschen Analysen der Lebenswelt für die Ökonomie sichtbar gemacht werden. Zunächst werden die zentralen Elemente der österreichischen Grenznutzenschule herausgearbeitet, die den wissenschaftlichen Hintergrund und methodologischen Bezugspunkt von Schütz' Arbeiten bildet. Sodann wird Schütz' Postulat der subjektiven Perspektive verständlich gemacht - soziale Phänomene aus den Handlungen der beteiligten Individuen zu erklären muss heißen, auf den subjektiven Sinn zu rekurrieren, den diese Handlungen für die Handelnden selbst haben. Dies setzt eine Theorie des Verstehens voraus. Im Folgenden werden die Unterschiede zwischen Schütz und Mises in Bezug auf den Antrieb menschlichen Handelns und in Bezug auf die Theorie der Wahl herausgearbeitet. Vor diesem Hintergrund wird nach der Funktion des Grenznutzenprinzips bei Schütz gefragt, die dem Verfasser zufolge eine doppelte ist: es zwingt den Nationalökonomen, sich auf das Wesen der sozialen Realität zu besinnen, und es bildet des Kriterium zur Abgrenzung des ökonomischen Untersuchungsfeldes. Die erste Funktion kann es nur erfüllen, wenn eine Methode und Kategorien verfügbar sind, um die Grundannahmen mit den sinnhaften Sozialwelt in Bezug zu setzen - hier kommt Schütz' phänomenologische Analyse der Lebenswelt ins Spiel. Zur Abgrenzung des Gegenstandsbereichs der Ökonomie eignet sich das Grenznutzenprinzip, wie der Verfasser zeigt, nicht. Die Legitimität ökonomistischer Erklärungsansätze in nicht-wirtschaftlichen Handlungsbereichen kann nur anhand des Kriteriums ihrer empirischen Adäquanz beurteilt werden. Die Zuschreibung von Kosten-Nutzen-Kalkülen an Personen, deren Handlungsorientierung de facto nicht rational war, ist - wie der Verfasser zeigt - lediglich eine Pseudoerklärung. (ICE2)