Einstellungen und Vorurteile gegenüber Menschen unterschiedlicher religiöser, sozialer und ethnischer Herkunft. Religion und Religiosität. Geschlechterrollen, Einstellung zu muslimischen Mitbürgern. Persönliche Ziele. Persönliche Identifikation.
Themen: Identifikation als Deutsche/r; Gefühl der Zugehörigkeit zu einer Religionsgemeinschaft; Selbsteinstufung auf einer Oben-Unten-Skala; Links-Rechts-Selbsteinstufung;
Skalen: Rechter Autoritarismus (Right-Wing Authoritarianism); Soziale Dominanz; Responsibilisierung; Unternehmerisches Selbst; Protestantische Arbeitsethik; Islamophobie; Homophobie; Xenophobie; Traditioneller Antisemitismus; Antisemitische Israelkritik; Etabliertenvorrechte; Rassismus; Sexismus; Abwertung von Langzeitarbeitslosen; Diskriminierungsintention gegen Langzeitarbeitslose Antiamerikanismus; Allgemeine Wettbewerbswahrnehmung in der Gesellschaft; Wahrgenommene ethnische Konkurrenz (allgemein/realistisch); Wahrgenommene ethnische Konkurrenz (allgemein/symbolisch); Wahrgenommene ethnische Konkurrenz (persönlich); Wahrgenommene ethnische Bedrohung (realistisch); Wahrgenommene ethnische Bedrohung (symbolisch); Diskriminierungsintention gegen Migranten; Intergruppenkontakt; Religiöse Identifikation; Religiöse Zentralität; Religiöser Pluralismus; Religiöser Fundamentalismus; Unsicherheit; Sekundärer Antisemitismus; Norm zur freien Meinungsäußerung; Norm gegen Antisemitismus; Antisemitische Umwegkommunikation; Vergewaltigungsmythenakzeptanz; Respekt in Bezug auf Muslime; Sympathie für Muslime; Private Kontakte zu Muslimen; Arbeitsbedingte Kontakte zu Muslimen; Vorurteile gegenüber muslimischen Frauen; Zielorientierung; Geschlechtsidentität.
Demographie: Deutsche Staatsangehörigkeit; Konfession; deutsche Staatsangehörigkeit der Eltern und Großeltern (Migrationshintergrund); Selbstdefinition als Migrant vs. Deutscher; Geschlecht; Alter (klassiert); höchster allgemeinbildender Schulabschluss; beruflicher Ausbildungsabschluss; Erwerbsstatus bzw. sonstige Situation; Haushaltsgröße; Anzahl Personen, die zum Haushaltseinkommen beitragen; Haushaltsnettoeinkommen; persönliches Nettoeinkommen; Wiederbefragungsbereitschaft.
Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: ID; Angabe, zu welchem Split der Befragte gehört; Interviewdauer in Minuten; Kontaktdaten des Befragten; Bundesland; Ortsgröße.
The dataset is part of a project to investigate justifications of repression in North African autocracies. It was set up to answer the question to what extent and how repressive incidents were communicated and justified in Morocco and Tunisia from 2000 to 2010, before the beginning of the Arab uprising protests.
The event dataset is the first to disaggregate data on repressive incidents in two countries over the course of a decade, providing information about the forms of repression, its targets, the actors involved in repression and its justification, and the communication of state violence. All variables are available in textual form, although the forms of repression and repressive actors are all also listed in binary form to facilitate software-supported analysis. The dataset contains in total 439 repressive incidents: namely, 280 for Tunisia and 159 for Morocco. The data was collected from publicly available reports by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the U.S. State Department, and organizations and news outlets that covered repressive events and their respective justifications. We complemented these English-language sources with further information from French and Arabic sources and provide all data in English. This systematic collection enables us to assess the extent of justification, as opposed to denial or cover-up, and also to dig into the substantial arguments that were brought forward here. It includes not only cases of protest repression, but also more mundane everyday restrictions on dissidents, and other human rights violations. This gives insight into the political communication of autocracies and their strategies to mitigate the risk of backlash that usually comes with the use of state violence.
The research data described below was collected as part of the SWP study "Friends and Foes: the instrumentalisation of Israel and Iran in the Maghreb". The period of qualitative research and data collection was from 1.1.2020 to 31.1.2024. The project was designed to be exploratory. The central research question that emerged was how decision-makers in the three Maghreb states of Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia attempt to influence attitudes and discourses on Israel and Iran and use them for domestic and foreign policy purposes. Further, subordinate research questions can be derived from this: How are Israel and Iran portrayed in official discourses and sources? What public moods and resonance does the respective state control encounter? Where does it reach its limits and what domestic and foreign policy risks are associated with the instrumentalization of Israel and/or Iran? To this end, texts from the news agencies of Algeria and Morocco were collected, coded and analyzed for the official framing. Arabic language Twitter data was collected and analyzed in order to depict public and political moods. Qualitative interviews were conducted, Facebook pages were qualitatively evaluated and opinion polls from the region were used for a comparison. These qualitative analysis are not included in the data set.
