Suchergebnisse

The aim of the article is to present the proposal by France as the initiator of the development of the strategic autonomy of the European Union and the politics of France before and after Russian aggression in Ukraine. The idea of the European Union's involvement in the defence sphere has been with us for years; however, the concept of strategic autonomy is differently understood in the Member States of the European Union. For this reason, the following research questions were formulated: How is the strategic autonomy of the European Union understood in the politics of France? What is the position of France in reference to developing a "Europe of defence" for the European Union's security and defence policy? How does Russia's aggression in Ukraine affect the development of the European Union's strategic autonomy in France's policy? How does Russia's aggression in Ukraine affect France's position on the spread of the EU's strategic autonomy? It would seem that the outbreak of the war in Ukraine constitutes an existential test for strategic autonomy.

The paper presents the results of studies on the estate autonomy and accountability of publicly funded higher education institutions in Poland. An attempt has been made to answer the questions: "Was the level of HEI campus use in recent years the subject of public and administrative control? Were the decisions on significant extension of campuses economically viable?" The questions are of special importance in view of the deepening demographic decline, the lower level of public funding and the growing estate operating costs. An analysis of empirical data shows that when considerable resources, both national and European, were available for HEI infrastructure upgrading and development, Polish HEIs were not under an obligation to show how they manage the assets at their disposal. This may have contributed to a substantial, albeit not always judicious increase in the space available, which in turn may give rise to financial problems of individual HEIs and affect the future of the whole system of higher education. ; W artykule przedstawiono wyniki badań nad autonomią i rozliczalnością polskich uczelni publicznych w zakresie nieruchomości. Starano się w nim odpowiedzieć na pytanie: Czy w ostatnich latach uczelnie podlegały społecznej i administracyjnej kontroli poziomu wykorzystania posiadanych kampusów, a podejmowane przez nie decyzje o znacznej ich rozbudowie były ekonomicznie uzasadnione? Pytanie to ma szczególne znaczenie w dobie pogłębiającego się niżu demograficznego i zmniejszania stopnia finansowania szkolnictwa wyższego ze środków publicznych oraz rosnących kosztów utrzymania budynków. Analiza danych empirycznych pokazuje, że w okresie rozdzielania znacznych krajowych i europejskich środków publicznych na rozbudowę czy modernizację infrastruktury akademickiej uczelnie w Polsce nie były zobligowane do wykazywania, jak gospodarują powierzonym im majątkiem. W konsekwencji mogło przyczynić się to do istotnego (nie zawsze jednak uzasadnionego) wzrostu powierzchni uczelnianych zasobów, który może w kolejnych latach skutkować problemami finansowymi poszczególnych jednostek, a także determinować przyszłość całego systemu szkolnictwa wyższego.

Revenue autonomy is one of the fundamental pillars of self-government in the economic sense. The assurance of LSUs to a significant share of own revenue should be based on their character, above all the impact on their size, the predictability, the freedom of disposal and the independence of local governments from the state budget. The level of fiscal autonomy of self-government is a derivative of national solutions adopted in Poland, the level of decentralization, the amount, type and efficiency of self-government income sources combined with the spatial distribution of the tax base and the scope of taxation power of the self-government sector. It largely determines the development opportunities of local communities. Hence, it is important to address this topic in various aspects. This work aims to analyze the level of revenue autonomy of local government units in Poland against the background of selected European Union countries, indicating the importance of taxation power in creating this autonomy. ; Samodzielność dochodowa stanowi jeden z podstawowych filarów samorządności w wymiarze ekonomicznym. Zapewnienie JST istotnego udziału dochodów własnych powinno wynikać z ich charakteru, przede wszystkim z możliwości oddziaływania na ich wielkość, przewidywalność, możliwość swobodnego dysponowania oraz uniezależnienia JST od sytuacji budżetu państwa. Poziom samodzielności dochodowej samorządu jest pochodną przyjętych w kraju rozwiązań w zakresie organizacji państwa, poziomu decentralizacji zadań, ilości, rodzaju i wydajności źródeł dochodów przyznanych JST w połączeniu z przestrzennym rozmieszczeniem bazy podatkowej oraz zakresu przyznanego sektorowi samorządowemu władztwa podatkowego. W znacznym stopniu decyduje on o możliwościach rozwojowych wspólnot samorządowych. Stąd ważne jest podejmowanie tego tematu w różnych aspektach. Celem opracowania jest poddanie analizie stopnia samodzielności dochodowej jednostek samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce na tle wybranych krajów Unii Europejskiej ze wskazaniem znaczenia władztwa podatkowego w kształtowaniu tej samodzielności.

In the second half of the nineteenth century, Galicia became an autonomous province in Austria-Hungary. In addition to political reforms, changes in education were proposed. The Polish language and teaching Poland's history were introduced to schools. Private schools for girls were also founded with the objective of raising their level of education and preparing them for academic studies. Schools run by religious congregations played a significant role here. The schools were run mainly by Catholic orders including the Basilian Sisters of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (Ordo Sancti Basilii Magni). They had their convent in Jaworów in Galicia where they established an elementary school, a teachers' school and a boarding school for girls. Ukrainian was the language of instruction. These religious schools operated according to the same principles as state schools, taught the same subjects and used the same textbooks. School authorities carried out inspections of religious schools on an annual basis. The schools enjoyed a good reputation and offered a high level of education. ; In the second half of the nineteenth century, Galicia became an autonomous province in Austria-Hungary. In addition to political reforms, changes in education were proposed. The Polish language and teaching Poland's history were introduced to schools. Private schools for girls were also founded with the objective of raising their level of education and preparing them for academic studies. Schools run by religious congregations played a significant role here. The schools were run mainly by Catholic orders including the Basilian Sisters of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (Ordo Sancti Basilii Magni). They had their convent in Jaworów in Galicia where they established an elementary school, a teachers' school and a boarding school for girls. Ukrainian was the language of instruction. These religious schools operated according to the same principles as state schools, taught the same subjects and used the same textbooks. School authorities carried out inspections of religious schools on an annual basis. The schools enjoyed a good reputation and offered a high level of education.

Despite the significant experiences of territorial autonomy of the province of Silesia in the Second Republic, in the current political system of Poland the extent of decentralization of the state is limited. ^e mainstream of political elites do not provide for changes in this area. Nevertheless, it is worth getting to know the experiences of Spain, which can be a positive or negative reference for a possible projection of a political change in Poland. Spain was the second country in Europe, which implemented a thorough reform of the system of government in 1979-1983. As the result 17 autonomous communities with their own political and legal regimes were created. ^e right to autonomy also had regions, even of the size of one province that did not have their own traditional ethnic separateness. ^is solution a`er more than 30 years perpetuated and regardless of the political plans of the separation of certain regions, is an important experience of a democratic and peaceful process of solving the problems of regional and local authorities. It is also, together with the experiences of Italy and the UK, a major research and political inspiration for the new European democracies. In the context of European integration and globalization, regionalization is of particular importance, and the development of regional and local parties, which, thanks to such a system are stimulated to action, determines the new face of modern democracy. Decentralization has become a constitutive feature of the concept of empirical democracy.

Autonomy is a very complex term and both the apostolic constitution Vultum Dei quaerere and the implementing instruction Cor orans clearly illustrate this. Autonomy is not to be understood only in the perspective of the independence of the monasteries one from another, nor in the perspective of the independence of the monasteries from the male branch of the Order and the bishops. It is to be understood especially in the perspective of their capacity to continue living independently. This means being able to assume responsibly various vital functions in community (governance, formation, administration of goods) and being able to make good decisions. Autonomy is not granted; it is recognized. However, it is recognized in accordance with the actualsituation of the community. ; Autonomy is a very complex term and both the apostolic constitution Vultum Dei quaerere and the implementing instruction Cor orans clearly illustrate this. Autonomy is not to be understood only in the perspective of the independence of the monasteries one from another, nor in the perspective of the independence of the monasteries from the male branch of the Order and the bishops. It is to be understood especially in the perspective of their capacity to continue living independently. This means being able to assume responsibly various vital functions in community (governance, formation, administration of goods) and being able to make good decisions. Autonomy is not granted; it is recognized. However, it is recognized in accordance with the actualsituation of the community.

Autonomy is a very complex term and both the apostolic constitution Vultum Dei quaerere and the implementing instruction Cor orans clearly illustrate this. Autonomy is not to be understood only in the perspective of the independence of the monasteries one from another, nor in the perspective of the independence of the monasteries from the male branch of the Order and the bishops. It is to be understood especially in the perspective of their capacity to continue living independently. This means being able to assume responsibly various vital functions in community (governance, formation, administration of goods) and being able to make good decisions. Autonomy is not granted; it is recognized. However, it is recognized in accordance with the actualsituation of the community. ; Autonomy is a very complex term and both the apostolic constitution Vultum Dei quaerere and the implementing instruction Cor orans clearly illustrate this. Autonomy is not to be understood only in the perspective of the independence of the monasteries one from another, nor in the perspective of the independence of the monasteries from the male branch of the Order and the bishops. It is to be understood especially in the perspective of their capacity to continue living independently. This means being able to assume responsibly various vital functions in community (governance, formation, administration of goods) and being able to make good decisions. Autonomy is not granted; it is recognized. However, it is recognized in accordance with the actualsituation of the community.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: Assessment of the possible impact of the amendment of the Act on Regional Accounting Chambers on the extent of autonomy of local government units.THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: Independence is one of the most important features of self-government. The solutions adopted in the draft amendment to the Act on Regional Accounting Chambers (RACs) concerning the extension of the scope of control over territorial self-government units (TSGUs), as well as the way of appointing the presidents of the RACs induce the hypothesis of creating potential conditions for the unregulated interference of government administration in the activities of local governments. Equally important is the symbolic significance of such an initiative. The analysis used the institutional and comparative method, the study was primarily concerned with a bill amending the law on regional accounting chambers and documents created during the consultations and project agreements.THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The article describes the current legal regulations governing the supervision and control of regional accounting chambers over TSGUs, and these were set against the proposed changes in legal and political terms. The possible effects of the changes were indicated. The analysis also referred to the opinions of the subjects involved in the agreement and consultation process. RESEARCH RESULTS: The analysis confirmed that the proposed changes are very likely to create unauthorized access to the constitutional principle of the autonomy of territorial self-government units that may create the possibility of indirect interference in their activities. In the political dimension, the prepared draft amendment creates an impression of the government's tightening of control and supervision over TSGUs.CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The legislative bill submitted in the Sejm requires further changes. The withdrawal of the drafter from the extension of the scope of RACs control during the consultations needs to be seen as inadequate. The proposed way of appointing presidents of regional accounting chambers is still a serious concern. ; CEL NAUKOWY: Ocena możliwego wpływu nowelizacji ustawy o regionalnych izbach obrachunkowych na zakres samodzielności jednostek samorządu terytorialnego.PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Samodzielność jest jedną z najważniejszych cech samorządności. Przyjęte w projekcie nowelizacji ustawy o regionalnych izbach obrachunkowych (RIO) rozwiązania, dotyczące rozszerzenia przedmiotowego zakresu kontroli nad jednostkami samorządu terytorialnego (JST), jak również sposobu powoływania prezesów RIO, skłaniają do postawienia hipotezy o stworzeniu potencjalnych warunków dla nieuprawnionej ingerencji administracji rządowej w działalność samorządów. Nie mniej ważne jest również symboliczne znacznie takiej inicjatywy. W analizie wykorzystano metodę instytucjonalno-prawną i porównawczą, badaniu poddano przede wszystkim projekt ustawy o zmianie ustawy o regionalnych izbach obrachunkowych oraz dokumenty powstałe w toku konsultacji i uzgodnień projektu.PROCES WYWODU: W artykule scharakteryzowano obowiązujące regulacje prawne dotyczące nadzoru i kontroli regionalnych izb obrachunkowych nad JST, a na tym tle dokonano analizy proponowanych zmian w wymiarze prawnym oraz politycznym. Wskazano ich możliwe skutki. W toku analizy odwołano się również do opinii podmiotów uczestniczących w procesie uzgodnień i konsultacji.WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Przeprowadzona analiza potwierdziła, że zaproponowane zmiany stwarzają nieuprawnione w myśl konstytucyjnej zasady samodzielności JST rozwiązania, które mogą stworzyć możliwość pośredniego ingerowania w ich działalność. W wymiarze politycznym przygotowany projekt nowelizacji stwarza wrażenie zaostrzenia kontroli i nadzoru rządu nad JST.WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Złożony w Sejmie projekt ustawy wymaga dalszych zmian. Za niewystarczające należy uznać wycofanie się projektodawcy w toku konsultacji z przedmiotowego rozszerzenia zakresu kontroli RIO. Poważne zastrzeżenia budzi nadal proponowany sposób powoływania prezesów regionalnych izb obrachunkowych.

The systemic diversity of the regions and local units can be subsumed to three possible forms of political systems: 1) self‑government, 2) territorial autonomy and 3) the federal state. Based upon that criterion, modern democratic states can be divided into: 1) unitary states with self‑government, 2) unitary states with territorial autonomy and self‑government, 3) federal states with self‑government, 4) federal states with territorial autonomy and self‑government. That division clearly points to the fact, that unitary and federal states can successfully exhibit the same types of political systems on the regional and local levels: territorial autonomy and self‑government. In consequence, both federal and unitary states, under this particular respect, do not exhibit differences. The systems present in the unit‑parts of a federation (regardless of their designation: republics, states, lands, cantons or provinces) in themselves are not a separate category and form of the political system, but form together with others, the three subcentral legal‑political systems present in democratic states. However, the understanding of federalism as concept referring to something more than the legal‑political system of a given state (or even the political system sensu stricto) might seems unconvincing, but still in the consideration of federalism one needs to step away from the analysis of existing federal states (however, comparative constitutional law and constitutional practice must have fundamental impact) and create the prognoses of systemic solutions in a group of highly decentralized unitary states. Besides that, the research of the political theory of federalism and federation presents itself as not without merit to the undertaken task.

"Przedmiotem badań są doświadczenia osób z niepełnosprawnością intelektualną oraz członków ich rodzin dotyczące osiągania przez te osoby niezależności życiowej, a także przeszkód w realizacji tego celu. Autor skupił się na działaniach i codziennych praktykach młodych z niepełnosprawnością intelektualną i ich rodzin podejmowanych w różnych sytuacjach na drodze ku dorosłości. Przeanalizował procesualny charakter przemian w rodzinach generacyjnych związanych z dorastaniem dzieci z niepełnosprawnością intelektualną. Wyniki badania poszerzają wiedzę na temat wchodzenia w dorosłość osób z niepełnosprawnością intelektualną oraz procesu negocjowania autonomii w rodzinie z perspektywy młodych dorosłych i ich rodziców. Młodzi z niepełnosprawnością intelektualną nie tylko mają określone potrzeby, lecz także poglądy dotyczące relacji z rodzicami. Sformułowane przez autora wnioski pozwalają lepiej zrozumieć te osoby oraz ukazują, jak wspierać je w okresie dorastania. Ma to szczególne znaczenie zarówno dla rodziców, jak i instytucji oraz służb społecznych, które wspomagają ludzi z niepełnosprawnością intelektualną i ich rodziny."--