Suchergebnisse

Активност Југословенске радикалне заједнице, чији је програм крајем 1930-их година подразумевао поштовање и равноправност три национална идентитета (српског, хрватског и словеначког), битно је утицао на идеју интегралног југословенства у Краљевини Југославији. Часопис XX век, спонзорисан од стране поменуте партије, неретко је кроз филозофско- естетичке и уметничко-културолошке теме имплицирао актуелне друштвено-политичке промене. У раду се сагледава филозофско-естетичко промишљање српског естетичара Бранка Лазаревића, чији су текстови о умeтности (објављивани у часопису XX век) бивали политизовани и инструментализовани за форсирање једне у основи политичке идеје кроз поље уметности. На тај начин, овај часопис деловао је као вид алтернативног уметничког образовања народних маса, те је новопробуђене националне идеје промовисао, тобоже, као идеје за уметничку слободу и уметнички прогрес – пласирајући их метафорички кроз естетичке ставове Бранка Лазаревића. ; During the late 1930s, the Yugoslav Radical Community initiated very important changes in the political regime of The Kingdom of Yugoslavia. One of the principle of this party was affirmation of equality of three differеnt national identity – Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian. The 20th Century Journal, which was sponsored by Yugoslav Radical Community, has implicated actual social-political changes through its articles about philosophy, aesthetics arts and culture. The paper deals with the philosophical and aesthetic observations of the Serbian aesthetist Branko Lazarević, whose articles about art (published in the 20th Century Journal) were politicized and instrumentalized for the promotion of the political ideas through the field of art. In this way, the 20th Century Journal acted as an medium for the alternative artistic education of the masses. This journal has promoted new political ideas as ideas for artistic freedom and artistic progress, by placing them metaphorically through the aesthetic reflections of Branko Lazarević. ; Реализацију научног скупа и штампање зборника радова подржало је Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја, решењем број 451-03-469/2018-14.

In the process of an accelerated government centralization and national unitarization in the period 1918-1928, Croatia lost its autonomy, territorial integrity, and the right to national identity. This resulted in grave consequences, particularly in inequality of Croatia and Croats with Serbia and Serbs in political, economic, and cultural domains. (SOI : CSP: S. 76)

The article explores the process that led to Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence and argues that the willingness of many countries to contribute to the creation of Kosovo as cannot be explained solely by humanitarian concerns, and the remedial understanding of the right to self-determination. What seems to have motivated the Western powers was also the recent memory of the UN's failure to stop the internecine wars which characterised the SFRY's dissolution (particularly the war in Bosnia), as well as the rejection on the part of the international community with the way in which Kosovan autonomy, previously entrenched in the SFRY constitution of 1974, had been emasculated from 1989 onwards by both Serbia and the FRY in a process which served to deny Kosovo Albanians both the minority rights and the right of internal self-determination. Finally, the article speculates on the long-term implications of the Kosovo intervention. Instead of being seen as a 'unique case', the intervention in Kosovo may be seen as the consolidation of a growing European commitment to the rights of internal minorities, including the right to territorial autonomy for national minorities. Adapted from the source document.

U okviru rada je detaljno analizirana politička delatnost srpskih pristalica ugarske vlade u užoj Ugarskoj od Austro-ugarske nagodbe 1867. do poraza Slobodoumne stranke na izborima 1905. Nastankom nagodbenog pravnog okvira ugarska politička elita je smatrala da su se stekli uslovi da se odredi da u Ugarskoj postoji samo jedna politička nacija. Predvodnici nemađarskog stanovništva su trebali da odluče da li da pokušaju da izdejstvuju što bolji položaj za svoju naciju unutar vladajuće političke stranke ili da se posvete nacionalnoj i državno-pravnoj opoziciji. Deo srpske inteligencije je smatrao da državno-pravna opozicija može više da šteti srpskim nacionalnim i kulturno-prosvetnim interesima nego da bude od koristi. Oni nisu osnovali zasebnu političku stranku već su pristali uz stranke Ferenca Deaka i Kalmana Tise, koje su se 1875. ujedinile u Slobodoumnu stranku. Pored Ugarskog sabora, oni su delovali i unutar ugarskih municipija, kao i u sklopu srpske crkveno-narodne autonomije. ; In this paper are, in detail, analyzed the political activities of Serbian supporters of the Hungarian government in Hungary proper from the Austro-Hungarian Compromise in 1867 to the defeat of Liberal Party in the 1905 elections. With the setup of the compromise legal framework, Hungarian political elite considered conditions had been met in order to declare that there was only one political nation in Hungary. Leaders of non-Hungarian population were supposed to decide whether to try to force a better position for their nation within the ruling political party or to commit themselves to national and legal-state opposition. However, part of the Serbian intelligence believed that state-legal opposition could no longer be regarded as useful to Serbian national, cultural and educational interests. This is why they have not formed a separate political party but they acted within the parties of Ferenc Deak and Kalman Tisza, which were united into Liberal Party in 1875. Apart from the Hungarian Parliament, they were also acting within the Hungarian municipalities, as well as within the Serbian church-national autonomy.

The institutional collapse of a once unique state SFR Yugoslavia at the beginning of the 1990s, devastated economy, hyperinflation, corruption and general tendencies contrary to the processes in developed countries, in a nutshell - the entire macroeconomic environment being unstable, - brought about the need for political, economic, social and institutional reforms in the Republic of Serbia. The reform, among other things, and for the study of the factual issues it is exceptionally significant, covered the system of resource distribution and jurisdiction between the central and subcentral levels of government. Numerous changes which then occurred in the last twenty years or so, and which are still going on, have influenced political and territorial polity of our country to become decentralized, as well as the financial and fiscal relations between the levels of the Establishment. In the spirit of reform commitments, Republic of Serbia brought in a new Constitution and adopted copious amounts of laws, whose ultimate intention was promoting the fiscal system that would be in accordance with the latest theoretical findings and examples of good practice. In the structure of territorial organization of Republic of Serbia, autonomous provinces as entities of territorial autonomy, and municipalities, towns and the city of Belgrade have been established, as entities of local self-governance. Otherwise, subcentral authority levels in our country are facing many and various challenges when it comes to creating government revenue which, in its original or transferred form, remains available, used to finance their government expenditure, a constant need for their abundance and suitability, and all in order to constitute financial autonomy, followed by methods of governing the economic development, as well as the volume and content of jurisdiction. Considering the fact that the distribution of resources amongst sub-central levels of government is preceded by the distribution of responsibilities, associated is the dilemma of which functions are realized more efficiently on a central and which on a subcentral level of government, and further, to what extent these lower levels are to be subservient to the central state, that is, in what sense independent. In that matter, it is essential to establish the extent of the realized fiscal decentralization, since depending on that degree, fiscal power is delegated to subcentral levels, the performance of public services is more efficient and is in accordance with priorities and preferences of citizens, which is also a precondition of successful functioning of all the segments of the public sector and widespread democratization of a society.

The Serbo-Albanian conflict on Kosovo has had direct repercussions for the Balkan security in the last 150 years. That is why the international community would from time to time pay more attention to this conflict, but never long enough to resolve it for good. Both the Serbian and the Albanian side put in a lot of effort towards the resolution of the conflict and came up with several proposals, ranging from various modes of Kosovo autonomy to the idea of cantonisation and re-federalisation of SR Yugoslavia to the independence of Kosovo or its being turned into a protectorate. All these suggestions had mostly been one-sided, either pro-Serbian or pro-Albanian, none of them conducive to a compromise. All this eventually resulted in a military conflict and the attempt to impose solutions by force. Nevertheless, after the NATO intervention, negotiations will have to be resumed and the familiar proposals for the resolution of the Kosovo question will have to be rehashed, only this time this will require much more good will and willingness to make compromises, both on the Albanian and the Serbian side, as well as a considerable support of international community. (SOI : S. 60)

International pressure prevented Croatia from ending the occupation of eastern Slavonia by military means. The author claims that the policy of peaceful integration and the UNTAES mandate are rife with risks which might jeopardize the eventual Croatian control of that region. He points out a set of contentious issues related to the occupied territory: the incomplete demilitarization, dual government (parallel UNTAES and Serbian authorities), no return for the non-Serbian refugees, staying on of the Serbs from other parts of Croatia, Bosnia and Serbia. Particularly risky for Croatia are the efforts of the local Serbs to retain absolute ethnic majority as the grounds for establishing territorial autonomy which would enable the militant accolytes of Greater Serbian politics to remain in the region and push for the secession and annexation by Serbia, the efforts which would in all probability be given military support by Serbia, this time under the circumstances which would be much more unfavourable for Croatia than in 1995. The author concludes that for Croatia the only acceptable solution is the total integration of eastern Slavonia and the establishment of full Croatian sovereignty while the creation of a Serbian autonomous province in that region must on no account be permitted. (SOI: PM: S. 188)