"Autonomy" derives from the Greek autonomia, which combined the Greek words for "self" and "law". To be autonomous, then, is to be self-governing. When the Greeks used the word, according to POHLMANN, they were typically referring to a self-governing political unit, notably the citystate. He points out, however, that Sophocles also used the term in the Chorus's description of the character of Antigone (Antigone, line 821). The term is still used to characterize both persons and political units, although analyses of the concept now tend to focus on personal autonomy.
This essay discusses two contributions of the principle of sufficient autonomy to educational justice. In Just Enough, Liam Shields criticizes instrumental accounts of autonomy. According to these accounts, autonomy is valuable insofar as it contributes to well-being. Shields argues that instrumental arguments fail to support mandatory autonomy education in all cases, while his non-instrumental principle of sufficient autonomy does support this. This essay develops a version of the instrumental argument and argues this version can do the work of supporting mandatory autonomy education. Another contribution of the principle of sufficient autonomy is the requirement of talents discovery. According to Shields, the requirement of talents discovery renders Rawls's principle of fair equality of opportunity more plausible, since one's chances of accessing a given economic position depend on one's opportunities to discover one's innate talents. This essay argues that Rawlsian fair equality of opportunity does not have the same implications as the principle of sufficient autonomy as to which types of talents should be discovered and to what extent.
This paper is one result of a "fieldwork" during a so-far 3 years long experience living in neorural communities in Barcelona, as part of the squat movement, and in the catalan Pyrenees. The only scientific evidence is that neorural people can live with an average of around 200 euros per month in Collserola, the natural park of Barcelona. The paper develops from a question: how is a neorural oikonomy2 originally conceived (discourse) and then materialized -by looking at a real indicator like Time, which is also easily comparable in money-time?
The following article engages in an attempt to review and further explore the notion of autonomy in Thucydides, which is described by scholars as different from freedom, eleutheria, and as primarily assigned to the interests of a weaker state that is trying to exert its independence. Without rejecting the relational aspect of the notion of autonomy, the article argues further on autonomy's internal aspect, ultimately trying to prove how autonomy in Thucydides is moreover presented as an automatic habit and a behavioral pattern that reflects a restrictive, political and artificial perspective of external superior powers.
This paper explores the emergence of conflict between the Miskito and the Nicaraguan Sandinista government in the early years after the overthrow of the Somoza dictatorship. Outlining the polarisation of the debate in the late 1980s between supporters and opponents of the Sandinistas and their views of its revolutionary project and noting the lack of agency attributed to the Miskito themselves in these arguments, the article rejects arguments centred around race or ideology as an explanation for the conflict. Instead, use is made of Kate Crehan's development of Gramscian analysis to explore the contrasting meanings ascribed to notions of territoriality and autonomy in public statements by Miskito and Sandinista leadership in the early 1980s.
All tensions are not negative. There are structuring and destructuring tensions, and it is not always easy to decide which is which. By nature, democracy is inherently based on the institution of conflict, an institution which enables the representation of different interests in a society of free and equal individuals, multiple expressions of individual and collective agents, and the peaceful resolution of disagreements. Considering this framework, how can destructuring tensions be transformed into structuring ones? In this paper I will address the topic of society under tension with a case study, that of French society, and the type of individualism which characterizes it. A mapping of contemporary tensions in society cannot be established independently from globalization (the entry into a world culture, and generalized urbanization), which represents a change comparable to the Industrial Revolution, and the foundering of this industrial society, with the weakening of the welfare state and social protection, instituted in Western society after the Second World War. If collective challenges are similar everywhere, the path followed by the different national societies to address them differ somewhat. In the framework of globalization, to which the French are the most hostile in the European Union (after Greece), France offers images of pessimism, distrust, conflict, disquiet, and division among its citizens. It seems to be a society of malaise, in which the grammar of collective life is marked by strong negativity, though statistical data demonstrate that this society is doing rather well (in terms of degrees of inequality, the poverty rate, standards of living, health, etc.). Starting from the topic of collective malaise, the paper will highlight certain major tensions in French society. It will first situate them in the context of changes in collective representations of individualism marked by autonomy – the personal turn of individualism; then it will describe the features of this malaise (weakening of social links, new psychic pathologies, anxiety about the future and nostalgia for the past, etc.) by using the two examples of work and the welfare state (the French "social model" is invested as a foundation of the "living together"); after this, it will clarify underlying tensions which express, through this malaise (a crisis of equality à la française, and a difficulty to evolve the concept of protection); and finally, it will design paths enabling responses, to a certain extent, and will specify what a politics of autonomy could consist of. Video recording of the keynote
Local government is the authority of the autonomous regions to organize and manage the interests of local people according to their own initiative based on community aspirations in accordance with the laws and regulations. In response to the demands of government reform quite quickly, it has undertaken a sufficiently fundamental breakthrough of the various laws in the political field from the centralist-autoritarian to the autonomous-democratic. After successfully compiling the three laws on the political field that became the basis of the election in 1999 the government immediately followed him with a new law in the field of special politics on power relations between the central and local, namely Law no. 22 of 1999 on Regional Government and Law No. 25 of 1999 on Financial Relations between Central and Regional. The formation of regions is basically intended to improve public services in order to accelerate the realization of community welfare as well as political education at the local level. Considerations and other conditions that enable the area to organize and realize the purpose of the establishment of the region and the granting of regional autonomy. The Government may designate special areas in the autonomous regions to carry out specific government functions that are specific to national and / or national-scale interests "special" for the interests and benefit of Indonesia. One of these special autonomous regions is the Special Region of Yogyakarta that has been recognized special autonomous region in Law No.13 of 2012 on the privilege of Yogyakarta.
Local government is the authority of the autonomous regions to organize and manage the interests of local people according to their own initiative based on community aspirations in accordance with the laws and regulations. In response to the demands of government reform quite quickly, it has undertaken a sufficiently fundamental breakthrough of the various laws in the political field from the centralist-autoritarian to the autonomous-democratic. After successfully compiling the three laws on the political field that became the basis of the election in 1999 the government immediately followed him with a new law in the field of special politics on power relations between the central and local, namely Law no. 22 of 1999 on Regional Government and Law No. 25 of 1999 on Financial Relations between Central and Regional. The formation of regions is basically intended to improve public services in order to accelerate the realization of community welfare as well as political education at the local level. Considerations and other conditions that enable the area to organize and realize the purpose of the establishment of the region and the granting of regional autonomy. The Government may designate special areas in the autonomous regions to carry out specific government functions that are specific to national and / or national-scale interests "special" for the interests and benefit of Indonesia. One of these special autonomous regions is the Special Region of Yogyakarta that has been recognized special autonomous region in Law No.13 of 2012 on the privilege of Yogyakarta.
Kent Greenawalt claims that one rationale for nonestablishment of religion is personal autonomy. If, however, the law is barred from manipulating people in religious directions (and thus violating their autonomy), while it remains free to manipulate them in nonreligious directions (and thus violate their autonomy in exactly the same way), autonomy as such is not what is being protected. The most promising alternative is to understand religion as a distinctive human good that is being protected from government interference.
In this paper, it is pointed out that from the time immemorial man is searching ways and means for autonomy, maybe in such matters as spiritual, political, social reformation, discoveries, invention, etc. Autonomy in education is expected to achieve autonomy in other areas of real-life, worldly affairs. In India, the buzz word since the last two decades is autonomy in higher education. We have several models in higher education found and established in Post Graduate (PG) programmes of University, Indian Institute of Technology ( IIT) or Indian Institute of Management ( IIM). These institutions one-way or the other imbibe some elements of autonomy in education. A brief literature review presents some concepts of autonomy and their scope of implementation as perceived worldwide. It is pointed out that the concept of autonomy is being tried out since many decades and researchers have made some proposals to have a better perception of autonomy. An overview of autonomy in higher education in India is presented, as viewed either by UGC or Vice-Chancellors. The author has proposed that a teacher (referred to as a roaming university) is the first link in education chain to be autonomous in a real sense followed by autonomy at such levels as university/institution, management, regulatory bodies, and then at the national level. The author has made some suggestions for each level for inculcating autonomy. For instance, some suggestions are clear national policy, least regulations, reformulation of laws, autonomous management, autonomous institutions awarding degrees, five years teacher's tenure, lean system, etc. The article will be of interest to all autonomous personnel concerned.
This paper argues that the core principle of bioethics, autonomy, is rooted both in the 20th century history of the development of new medical technologies as in political liberalism transferred to medical practices, rendering the medical decision-making of patients a centerpiece of medical interventions. The paper shows how the ambiguity in the interpretation of autonomy reflects the ambivalence of bioethics towards making normative claims on the moral agents insofar as these go beyond the respect for a patient's autonomy. In the second part, the paper analyzes the alternative approach of care ethics, which intends to emphasize both the vulnerability and dependency of the patient and the medical professions' responsibility to care for the patient. However, neither 'autonomy' nor 'care' ethics approaches can address the social and institutional mediations of today's health care ethics; the paper therefore concludes with a proposal to embrace a critical social-ethical approach to bioethics that is based on the tradition of human rights.
In the last years the debate related to people autonomy has been investigated in different fields of research and experimentation, starting from the relationship between personal autonomy and well-being, the ability to make decisions freely, the affirmation of one's right of choice, (the right to political participation, access to justice or the right to have a family) for the self-determination development (i.e. legal capacity), but at the same time "autonomy" can be interpreted as a complex result of human relationships, strengthening interaction and opportunity. This is valid for everyone, regardless of their health condition or functional limitations; in fact, no human being can be considered completely "autonomous" since everyone acts in a condition of interdependence with others to varying degrees. This last aspect is particularly significant for people with disabilities, because it affects their active involvement in the life of the community in which they live, and their ability to lead an independent life. The concept of independent living was introduced in the Article 19 of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) and it is therefore closely connected to the citizen's rights of disabled persons. The World Bank (WB) and the World Health Organization (WHO) estimate that a billion disabled people in the world face some barriers in the inclusion in many vital sectors, such as mobility, job, education, or simply in being socially or politically involved during their everyday life. However, the right to actively participate in the public life and reduce disparities are core elements of a stable democracy. Accessibility is intended as empowerment, meaning the individual and collective awareness of the right to access goods or services within one's own community.
The centralized system implemented by the New Order government made the central to regional movements only as the form of exploitative movements. Meanwhile, the movement from the regions to the center has only become an enslaving movement. This fact then became the basis for the formation of genuine autonomy, which seeks to turn imperial cosmopolitanism into micro-politics in the form of regional autonomy. This was followed by the birth of Village autonomy in 2014, which certainly brought fresh air in the governance development order in Indonesia. The effort to restore the essence of genuine autonomy, which is indeed a pure value that has existed and belonged to the archipelago, is one of the gold goals for implementing this village autonomy. This legal research uses a normative-sociological approach based on statutory data, literature studies and history. There are many significant things related to strengthening the existence of Genuine Autonomy/Village Autonomy in Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages. We can see this in terms of: Regarding the definition of village (Article 1 point 1), Setting 10 percent of APBN funds to be allocated to the Village, Regarding to the evolution of village authority (Articles 18 and 19), Regarding the portion of village rights [Article 6 act (1 )], Regulation on Village-Owned Enterprises (Article 87). There are several things we can do in an effort to maintain the existence of genuine autonomy/village autonomy in Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages: 1). Legislative: The need of a strong legal certainty foundation; 2). Executive: The need for Government Apparatus with integrity, professional, neutral, and noble character, Community Participation; 3). Community: Strong and Participatory Civil Society
This entry has been realised in the framework of the H2020-MSCA-RISE-2018 project "LoGov - Local Government and the Changing Urban-Rural Interplay". LoGov aims to provide solutions for local governments that address the fundamental challenges resulting from urbanisation. To address this complex issue, 18 partners from 17 countries and six continents share their expertise and knowledge in the realms of public law, political science, and public administration. LoGov identifies, evaluates, compares, and shares innovative practices that cope with the impact of changing urban-rural relations in five major local government areas: (1) local responsibilities and public services, (2) local financial arrangements, (3) structure of local government, (4) intergovernmental relations of local governments, and (5) people's participation in local decision-making. The present entry addresses local responsibilities and public services in Ethiopia. The entry forms part of the LoGov Report on Ethiopia. To access the full version of the report on Ethiopia, other practices regarding responsibilities and public services and to receive more information about the project, please visit: https://www.logov-rise.eu/. This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 823961.
Acknowledgements I would like to thank my peer reviewers as well as co-editors of this special edition for their constructive comments that have helped me streamline and strengthen my argument. ; Peer reviewed ; Publisher PDF