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The article reveals the activities of Khudayar Khan's younger brother, the ruler of the Margilan bekdom Sultan Murad-bek (1837-1875), his place in the social and political life of the Kokand Khanate and his tragic fate. Over the past ten years, the ruler of the Kokand Khanate in Margilan was Said Sultan Murad-bek, whose activities in the administrative system were preserved in the archives of the Kokand khans. According to reports, Sultan Murad-bek ruled the Margilan bek independently.

Historians of Stalinism have noted that Stalin received praise from unlikely sources in the Russian emigration. A pertinent case in point is the enthusiastic commendation by Aleksandr L'vovich Kazem-Bek (1902-77), a self-styled neomonarchist, and his émigré party called the Mladorossy (Young Russians). The subject of this article is the career of this would-be Führer of the émigré radical Right. My objective, however, is not only to describe a significant historical aspect of the emigration but also to bring to light a case where Stalinism won converts from a movement of hypertrophied and openly fascist Russian nationalists. Recent scholarly attention to the history of the emigration, long a neglected chapter in histories of post-1917 Russia, has inspired this exploration into the politics of the emigre radical Right and its special appeal to the émigré "sons," the bitterly disillusioned second generation in exile.

Any woman who writes serious poetry dislikes discrimination between 'men's' writing and 'women's'. Anna Akhmatova was angry when she was called a poetess. She wanted to be, unconditionally, a poet

For working people, the cost of getting to work, in terms of time and expense, is a crucial aspect of daily life. In the twentieth century, people's opportunity to travel increased. This did not, however, apply to everyone. The absence of affordable housing near job locations combined with the lack of safe, efficient, and affordable mobility options aggravated social exclusion for some. No Bicycle, No Bus, No Job details how power relations have historically enabled or restricted workers' mobility in twentieth century Netherlands. Blue-collar workers, industrial employers, and the state shaped workers' everyday commute in a changing playing field of uneven power relations that shifted from paternalism to neo-liberalism.

For working people, the cost of getting to work, in terms of time and expense, is a crucial aspect of daily life. In the twentieth century, people's opportunity to travel increased. This did not, however, apply to everyone. The absence of affordable housing near job locations combined with the lack of safe, efficient, and affordable mobility options aggravated social exclusion for some. No Bicycle, No Bus, No Job details how power relations have historically enabled or restricted workers' mobility in twentieth century Netherlands. Blue-collar workers, industrial employers, and the state shaped workers' everyday commute in a changing playing field of uneven power relations that shifted from paternalism to neo-liberalism.

"Mirza Kazem-Bek and the Kazan School of Russian Orientology" examines the rise and fall of Kazan University's section of Oriental Letters (razriad vostochnoi slovesnosti), Imperial Russia's most important academic institution for the study of Asia in the early nineteenth century. Focusing on the university's prominent Persianist, Mirza Aleksandr Kasimovich Kazem-Bek, the article argues that in Russia scholars of the East did not always adhere to the Saidian schema of orientalism as inherently hostile to the subject of its study.

Der Beitrag befasst sich mit dem Thema der Boulevardisierung von Nachrichten in der Türkei und analysiert die Nachrichtentexte von vier kommerziellen Fernsehkanälen und einem öffentlich-rechtlichen Anbieter. Es wird untersucht, wie die Akteure und Themen präsentiert, eingeordnet und betont werden und wie er Sprachgebrauch sowohl quantitativ als auch qualitativ ist. Dabei wird von der These ausgegangen, dass die Nachrichten die Politik personalisieren und boulevardisieren. Die Hauptakteure in den Nachrichten der kommerziellem Sender stammen aus zwei unterschiedlichen Bevölkerungsgruppen: es sind einmal die armen und ganz normalen Leute mit ihren Tragödien und Missgeschicken und dann die Reichen mit ihrem Reichtum, Klatsch und glamourösen Lebensstil. Der öffentlich-rechtliche Kanal präsentiert dagegen in der Hauptsache parlamentarische Akteure, insbesondere solche der Regierungsseite. (UNübers.) (UN)