Prilog biografiji osame bin ladena
In: Polemos: časopis za interdisciplinarna istraživanja rata i mira ; journal of interdisciplinary research on war and peace, Band 11, Heft 22, S. 97-111
ISSN: 1331-5595
In: Polemos: časopis za interdisciplinarna istraživanja rata i mira ; journal of interdisciplinary research on war and peace, Band 11, Heft 22, S. 97-111
ISSN: 1331-5595
In: Politicka misao, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 104-128
The paper analyzes the influence of familial "political biographies" during WWII on party preferences. The survey has shown that about 50% of its subjects have a single-track political biography (they belonged to either the partisan movement (NOB) or the army of the Independent Croatian State (NDH). The individuals whose political biography is NOB-inclined have a markedly more negative attitude towards the Croatian state of WWII & Ante Pavelie, positively assess Josip Broz Tito, are less religious & prefer leftist parties. The individuals who have the NDH biography have a positive opinion of the Croatian state during WWII & Ante Pavelie, negatively assess Josip Broz, are much more religious, & vote for the parties of the Right. The individuals whose families did not get involved in the conflict, or whose families have a "mixed" political biography, are moderately religious & largely vote for centrist parties. Besides the political biography factor, the degree of religiosity has proved an extremely important factor in the choice of political parties. 15 Tables, 6 Figures, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.
Članak analizira uzroke koji su doveli do stvaranja socijalističkog Radničkog vijeća u Rijeci (Fiume) 1918. godine i prikazuje biografije osoba spomenutih među trideset i jednim članom vijeća. Polazeći od nacionalnih historiografija koje uglavnom ne spominju ovu radničku organizaciju, pokazujem kako radničko-klasna identifikacija, shvaćena politički, ne smije biti izostavljena iz povijesnog razmatranja. Osporavajući klasične nacionalne narative, članak naglašava kako socijalisti nisu bili anacionalna snaga. Socijalisti su smatrali nacionalnu identifikaciju stvarnim faktorom, ali nisu smatrali nužnim prigrliti nacionalnu državu kao politički oblik. Također, smjernice djelovanja Radničkog vijeća svjedoče uključivanju socijalista unutar lokalnog riječkog Habsburškog društva. Stoga socijalistička aktivnost pokazuje kako multinacionalno iskustvo Habsburške monarhije nije bilo zaboravljeno 1918 godine. Međutim, to iskustvo je bilo oživljeno i preoblikovano u drugačijim oblicima poput zahtjeva za uzdizanje Rijeke na nivo nezavisne republike. Nadalje, biografije radnika pokazuju kako nakon kratkog postojanja Radničko vijeća, njegovi članovi prate različite političke staze. Ipak pored političkog pristupanja talijanskom nacionalizmu, fašizmu ili političkoj pasivizaciji, u nekim osobama opstojala je ljevičarska orijentacija. Još jedan prilog važnosti istraživanja kontinuiteta klasne identifikacije. ; The article analyses the causes behind the creation of the socialist Workers' Council in Rijeka (Fiume) in 1918 and presents biographies of figures mentioned among its' thirty-one members. Starting from a historiography that generally omitted references to this workers organization, I show that working-class identification, understood politically, has not to be omitted from historical considerations. By contesting typical national narratives, the article emphasize that socialists were not an unnational force. Socialists considered national identification a realistic factor without endorsing nation-state as a political option. Additionally, the Workers' council directions testify socialists' inclusion inside the local Fiumian Habsburg society. Thus, socialists' activity demonstrates that the multinational experience of the Habsburg monarchy was not forgotten in 1918. Yet, it was revived and reshaped in other forms such as the request for establishing Fiume as an independent republic. Further, workers' biographies show that following Workers' council short experience various political trajectories were taken. Besides political affliations with Italian nationalism, fascism or political passivity, in some individual persisted a left-wing orientation. Another contribution on the importance of researching the continuity of class identification.
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Rad donosi podatke o Samueleu Mayländeru (1866. – 1925.), socijalističkom vođi kasnohabsburške Rijeke, i njegovoj obitelji. Mayländeri su bili podrijetlom židovi iz jugozapadne Ugarske, doseljeni u Rijeku krajem 19. stoljeća. Doseljeni Mayländeri uspješno seintegriraju i asimiliraju u riječko i sjevernojadransko građansko društvo, neki udajom za pripadnike građanskih obitelji i obraćenjem na katoličku vjeroispovijest, a drugi uspješnim poslovnim karijerama. Zbog pomanjkanja primarne građe teško je dati odgovor na jezične prakse među pripadnicima obitelji. Ipak, iz objavljenih nekrologa u riječkim novinama, dokumentacije iz gimnazijskih dana i bračnih veza može se zaključiti kako je obitelj bila višejezična. Istraživanje je biografije samoga Samuelea Mayländera problematično jer, također, ne posjedujemo građu iz koje možemo neposredno razabrati njegove političke, nacionalne ili vjerske preferencije. Svakako, Samuele Mayländer bio je socijalističkoga opredjeljenja, kasnije i prvi predsjednik Komunističke partije Rijeka, ali i ličnost koja je bila pod utjecajem dominantne riječke talijanske kulturne paradigme. Studij medicine u Beču, javna angažiranost i politička aktivnost ukazuju na Mayländerova opredjeljenja, ali, kao i ugarsko židovsko obiteljsko podrijetlo, i na njegovu višejezičnost. Na kraju, rad prati biografske podatke o Pavlu Kirchenknopfu, metalurškom radniku rodom iz Ugarske, koji početkom 20. stoljeća doseljava u Pulu i kasnije s obitelji u Rijeku. U Rijeci je Pavle Kirchenknopf označen kao socijalistički, odnosno komunistički aktivist i takav zapamćen od lokalne historiografije. Biografija Pavla Kirchenknopfa korisna je za propitkivanje spoznaja o osobama radničkoga podrijetla i pitanja njihovih jezičnih praksi. Prema sporadičnoj građi, iz matičnih knjiga rođenih u Puli i migracijama Kirchenknopfa može se pretpostaviti kako se obitelj služila s više jezika. Zaključno, rad ukazuje na to kako pored pitanja višejezičnosti, socijalne i ekonomske teškoće trebaju biti uzete u obzir u društvenim i kulturnim povijestima sjevernoga Jadrana u kasnohabsburškom razdoblju, teškoće koje ostaju u pozadini idealiziranjem višejezičnoga habsburškog svijeta. ; The article provides data on Samuele Mayländer (1866–1925), socialist leader in late Habsburg Fiume/Rijeka, and his family. The Mayländer family were Jews from southwestern Hungary who had settled in Rijeka at the end of the nineteenth century. Following their move, the Mayländers successfully integrated and assimilated into the bourgeois society of Fiume/Rijeka and the northern Adriatic, some marrying members of bourgeois families and converting to Roman Catholicism, others having successful professional careers. The lack of primary sources makes it difficult to delineate language use among members of the family. However, through quoted obituaries in Rijeka's newspapers, data of the local gymnasium, and marriages, it can be concluded that the family was multilingual. Research on Samuele Mayländer's biography in particular is problematic since, again, there are no primary sources to understand his national, religious, or political preferences. However, it is clear that Samuele was a dedicated socialist. Later in life, he was the first president of Fiume/Rijeka's communist party, but also someone under the influence of Fiume/ Rijeka's dominant Italian cultural paradigm. His medical studies in Vienna, his public engagement and political activities, display Mayländer's sympathies, but also his Hungarian Jewish family background, his multilingualism. Finally, the article follows the biographic data of Paolo Kirchenknopf, a metal worker from Hungary who, at the beginning of the twentieth century, emigrated to Pula, and with his family later moved to Fiume/Rijeka. In Fiume/Rijeka, Kirchenknopf is marked as a socialist – more precisely as a communist activist – and is remembered as such in local historiography. The biography of Kirchenknopf is useful in that it allows one to gain knowledge about figures from working-class backgrounds and their linguistic practices. Based on various, scattered sources – from records of birth in Pula and Kirchenknopf's migrations – it can be estimated that this family used more than one language. In conclusion, the article points out how, aside from the question of multilingualism, social and economic difficulties have to be taken into account in the social and cultural histories of the northern Adriatic in the late Habsburg period – difficulties that remain in the background by idealizing the multilinguistic Habsburg world. ; Il saggio offre notizie su Samuele Mayländer (1866–1925) leader socialista della Fiume tardo asburgica e sulla sua famiglia. I Mayländer erano ebrei originari dall'Ungheria sudoccidentale, immigrati a Fiume verso la fine del 19 secolo. Gli immigrati Mayländer si integrano e assimilano con successo nella società borghese fiumana e nord adriatica alcuni sposandosi con membri di famiglie borghesi e convertendosi al cattolicesimo, altri intraprendendo carriere di successo. Causa la mancanza di fonti primarie è difficile desumere le pratiche linguistiche dei membri della famiglia. Tramite necrologi pubblicati nei giornali fiumani, documenti del periodo ginnasiale e i matrimoni, è possibile desumere che la famiglia era plurilinguistica. La ricerca sulla biografia di Samuele Mayländer è pure problematica perché non possediamo documentazione che possa in modo diretto farci desumere le sue preferenze politiche, nazionali, religiose o politiche. Certamente, Samuele Mayländer si considerava socialista, successivamente fu primo presidente del Partito comunista di Fiume, ma anche una personalità influenzata dal paradigma culturale italiano fiumano. Lo studio di medicina a Vienna, l'impegno pubblico e l'attività politica, dimostrano le simpatie del Mayländer ma, come le sue origini famigliari ebraiche ungheresi, anche il suo plurilinguismo. Infine, l'articolo segue i dati biografici su Paolo Kirchenkopf, operaio metallurgico originario dall'Ungheria che all'inizio del 20 secolo emigra a Pola e di seguito, con la famiglia, a Fiume. A Fiume Paolo Kirchenkopf è etichettato come attivista socialista ossia comunista e come tale ricordato dalla locale storiografia. La biografia di Paolo Kirchenkopf è utile per conoscere le biografie delle persone di estrazione operaia e la questione della loro passi linguistica. In base a documentazione sporadica, libri di nascita di Pola e le migrazioni dei Kirchenknopf, si può ipotizzare che la famiglia si serviva di più lingue. In conclusione, il lavoro indica come accanto alla questione del plurilinguismo le difficoltà sociali ed economiche devono essere prese in considerazione nelle storie sociali e culturali dell'alto Adriatico nel tardo periodo asburgico, difficoltà che rimangonoi sullo sfondo dell'idealizzato mondo plurilinguistico asburgico.
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U vrijeme Vojne krajine na području Like izgrađene su mnoge važne ceste koje su i danas u uporabi, a plijene pozornost kvalitetom gradnje, vještim projektantskim rješenjima i interpolacijom u prostor. Izuzetno stručni cestarski graditelji toga vremena napravili su ceste koje su uz poneku rekonstrukciju, u uporabi i danas. U radu se donose kratki životopisi trojice istaknutih graditelja povijesnih ličkih cesta; Vinka Struppija, Josipa Filipa Vukasovića i Josipa Kajetana Knežića o kojima se do sada pisalo uglavnom rijetko, skromno i pojedinačno. Uz prikaz navedenih graditelja donosi se i opis novih tehnologija koje su uvodili u cestogradnju i njihova važnost za izgradnju suvremene cestovne infrastrukture u Lici. ; During the Military Frontier, many important roads were built in the Lika area which are still in use today, and they capture attention with the quality of construction, skilled design solutions and interpolation into space. Extremely professional roadbuilders of that time made roads that, with some reconstruction, are still in use today. The paper presents short biographies of three prominent builders of historic roads in Lika: Vinko Struppi, Josip Filip Vukasović and Josip Kajetan Knežić, about whom so far it has been written mostly rarely, modestly and individually. With representation of these builders, this paper also presents a description of new technologies that were introduced in road construction and their importance for the construction of modern road infrastructure in Lika.
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U ovom radu autor na temelju dostupne literature, arhivske građe i onodobnog tiska analizira političku scenu u Virovitici i virovitičkom kotaru uoči Prvoga svjetskog rata, s posebnim naglaskom na analizi društvene i organizacijske strukture, te ideoloških specifičnosti virovitičkih pristaša Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava/Stranke prava), jedne od pravaških stranaka, koja je u ovom razdoblju bila među najutjecajnijim političkim strankama na tom području. Koristeći u ovom radu između ostaloga i prozopografsku metodu, prema kojoj se zaključci o nekoj skupini izvode iz životopisa njezinih članova, autor je zaključio, da je Čista stranka prava u Virovitici prve korake napravila uz pomoć virovitičkih mađarona, no da je znatniji broj pristaša dobila postupnim osipanjem pristaša Hrvatske stranke prava. ; In this paper by means of using available literature, archive sources and printed materials of that time, the author analyses political scene in Virovitica and district of Virovitica on the eve of the First World War, with special emphasis on analysis of social and organisational structure and ideological specificities of the inhabitants of Virovitica who were supporters of the Pure Party of Rights (Starčević's Croatian Party of Rights / Party of Rights), one of the parties of right, which in this period belonged among the most influential political parties in that area. In this paper the author used, among other means, also the prosopographical method, by which the conclusions about a specific group can also be derived from biographies of its members, which led him to believe that the Pure Party of Rights made its first steps inVirovitica with the assistance of pro-Hungarians from Virovitica, but gained a more significant number of supporters by gradual dropping out of the supporters of the Croatian Party of Rights.
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Autor razmatra politički profil Alternative za Njemačku kako bi pridonio razumijevanju njezine pojave u političkom životu Njemačke. Analizom izbornih programa provjerava njezin položaj na osi lijevo-desno te stavove o europskim integracijama, nacionalizmu i multikulturalizmu, te o ekonomskoj politici i demokraciji. Multivarijantnom regresijskom analizom ispituje prediktivnu snagu konfesionalnih, dobnih, obrazovnih, migracijskih i ekonomskih obilježja izbornih okruga u objašnjenju varijacije u postotku glasova. Istraživanjem biografskih obilježja članova vodstva stranke testira se pretpostavljena zajednička demografska i ideološka pozadina stranačke elite. Pokazalo se da Alternativa za Njemačku odudara od stavova drugih stranaka u gledanjima na Europsku uniju, nacionalizam, multikulturalizam i ekonomsku politiku, ali ne odskače značajno na osi lijevo-desno, kao ni prema stavovima o demokraciji. Za predikciju glasovanja za tu stranku najvažnijima su se pokazala regionalna (rascjep istok-zapad), dobna i ekonomska obilježja izbornih okruga. Biografska analiza stranačke elita otkriva visok postotak bivših članova njemačkih demokršćanskih stranaka, te prevlast starijih visokoobrazovanih muškaraca u njoj. ; This paper analyzes the political profile of the Alternative for Germany to contribute to the understanding of its emergence in the German political life. An analysis of electoral manifestos tests the party's left-right position, stances on European integration, nationalism, and multiculturalism as well as on economic policy and democracy. A multiple regression analysis examines the predictive power of religion, age, education, migration, and economic status as characteristics of electoral districts explaining the variation in the party's vote percentage. An assessment of biographies of the party's leadership tests the presumed common demographic and ideologic background of the party elite. The article shows that new party differs from other German parties regarding the EU, nationalism, and multiculturalism, and economic policy, yet does not represent an outlier on the left-right scale, nor in its stance on democracy. The study of predictors of the vote for the Alternative for Germany has shown that regional (East/West cleavage), age and economic characteristics of electoral districts hold most importance. The biographic analysis of the party elite reveals a high percentage of previous CDU/CSU members and a dominance of elderly, well-educated men.
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In: Biblioteka Platforma knjiga 63
Životne su i radne biografije pojedinaca danas takve da su izmjene razdoblja: traženja posla, nezaposlenosti, zaposlenost i promjena karijera postali uobičajeni procesi, te se sve više javlja potreba za vještinama upravljanja karijerom i profesionalnim usmjeravanjem. Kako bi se udovoljilo toj potrebi, potreban je sve veći broj kompetetnih stručnjaka u tom području. S obzirom na to koliku ulogu imaju stručnjaci koji se bave profesionalnim usmjeravanjem, kako za pojedinca tako i društvo, potrebno je promišljati o njihovoj pripremi za taj posao kako bi ga mogli obavljati u skladu sa suvremenim znanstvenim spoznajama i s najvišim etičkim standardima. U radu se daje pregled izazova s kojima se u razvoju svoje karijere susreće pojedinac kao i društvo koje ima zadaću podupirati i pratiti pojedince na tom putu te politike koje se u tom smjeru provode diljem Europe. Daje se i kratki pregled obrazovanja za stručnjake u profesionalnom usmjeravanju u Europi. Budući da razina i kvaliteta usluge profesionalnoga usmjeravanja ovisi o kompetenciji stručnjaka koji pruža tu uslugu, te je profesionalizacija i etabliranje određene prakse u velikoj mjeri ovisno o obrazovanju koje se pruža osobama koje u praksi obavljaju tu djelatnost, zaključno se predlaže da bi i u Republici Hrvatskoj trebalo razmisliti o uvođenju nekoga vida obaveznoga obrazovanja za stručnjake koji djeluju u području profesionalnoga usmjeravanja. ; Personal biographies, today, include common career changes and periods of employment and unemployment, which leads to an increasing need for the career management skills and career guidance. In order to meet this need, there is an increasing number of professionals in the area. Given the importance of their roles, it is necessary to prepare them well so that they can perform in accordance with contemporary scientific knowledge and with the highest ethical standards. Focus of the paper is on individual who is facing challenges in the development of his career and on the society that has a task for supporting and accompanying him on his path. We also provide policies that have been pursued trough the Europe regarding this mater. Furthermore, we give a brief overview of educations practices in career guidance in Europe. Since the level and quality of vocational guidance services depends on the competence of the service provider, and the professionalization and establishment of a particular practice is largely dependent on the education provided to professionals this activity, it is suggested that the Republic of Croatia should consider introduction of some kind of education for career guidance professionals.
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Životne su i radne biografije pojedinaca danas takve da su izmjene razdoblja: traženja posla, nezaposlenosti, zaposlenost i promjena karijera postali uobičajeni procesi, te se sve više javlja potreba za vještinama upravljanja karijerom i profesionalnim usmjeravanjem. Kako bi se udovoljilo toj potrebi, potreban je sve veći broj kompetetnih stručnjaka u tom području. S obzirom na to koliku ulogu imaju stručnjaci koji se bave profesionalnim usmjeravanjem, kako za pojedinca tako i društvo, potrebno je promišljati o njihovoj pripremi za taj posao kako bi ga mogli obavljati u skladu sa suvremenim znanstvenim spoznajama i s najvišim etičkim standardima. U radu se daje pregled izazova s kojima se u razvoju svoje karijere susreće pojedinac kao i društvo koje ima zadaću podupirati i pratiti pojedince na tom putu te politike koje se u tom smjeru provode diljem Europe. Daje se i kratki pregled obrazovanja za stručnjake u profesionalnom usmjeravanju u Europi. Budući da razina i kvaliteta usluge profesionalnoga usmjeravanja ovisi o kompetenciji stručnjaka koji pruža tu uslugu, te je profesionalizacija i etabliranje određene prakse u velikoj mjeri ovisno o obrazovanju koje se pruža osobama koje u praksi obavljaju tu djelatnost, zaključno se predlaže da bi i u Republici Hrvatskoj trebalo razmisliti o uvođenju nekoga vida obaveznoga obrazovanja za stručnjake koji djeluju u području profesionalnoga usmjeravanja. ; Personal biographies, today, include common career changes and periods of employment and unemployment, which leads to an increasing need for the career management skills and career guidance. In order to meet this need, there is an increasing number of professionals in the area. Given the importance of their roles, it is necessary to prepare them well so that they can perform in accordance with contemporary scientific knowledge and with the highest ethical standards. Focus of the paper is on individual who is facing challenges in the development of his career and on the society that has a task for supporting and accompanying him on his path. We also provide policies that have been pursued trough the Europe regarding this mater. Furthermore, we give a brief overview of educations practices in career guidance in Europe. Since the level and quality of vocational guidance services depends on the competence of the service provider, and the professionalization and establishment of a particular practice is largely dependent on the education provided to professionals this activity, it is suggested that the Republic of Croatia should consider introduction of some kind of education for career guidance professionals.
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Biografija Bartolomea Zabarelle slična je biografijama mnogih njegovih vršnjaka iz uglednih padovanskih obitelji. Kao nećak utjecajnoga kardinala i uglednoga profesora na drugome najstarijemu talijanskom Sveučilištu, od rane je mladosti uključen u važna društvena i politička događanja svoga rodnoga grada. Nakon završenoga studija prava, poput mnogih svojih vršnjaka pripremao se za crkvenu karijeru. Poticaji za odlazak u Rim došli su pred kraj pontifikata pape Martina V., iz rimske plemićke obitelji Colonna. Međutim, vrhunac karijere dostigao je obavljajući razne kurijalne službe tijekom pontifikata Eugena IV., Mlečanina Gabriela Condulmera. Novopronađeni i neobjavljeni izvori iz nekoliko serija registara Vatikanskoga tajnog arhiva, međusobno isprepleteni s objavljenim dokumentima iz padovanskoga kruga, osvjetljavaju neke ključne trenutke ove uspješne kurijalne karijere između Rima i Firence, a ukazuju i na rijetke i sporadične veze sa Splitom. ; Biography of Bartholomeo Zabarella (1400-1445) is similar to the biographies of many young men, offsprings of influential Paduan families in the early decades of the fifteenth century. He was a nephew to Francesco Zabarella, one of the most famous professors of canon law at the University of Padua, well trained diplomat in the service of the Carrara family, and the cardinal of the Holy See. His career path was therefore well programmed: with the doctor in utroque degree he embraced the ecclesiastical career within the Curia of Martin V (Colonna) and Eugenius IV (Condulmer). Starting from the office of apostolic protonotary in 1418, in the late twenties, at the age of 28, he was appointed archbishop of Split. However, he continued to reside in the Roman residence of the Patriarch of Constantinople and pope Gregory XII, Angelo Correr. By the end of 1432 he was assumed to the college of referendarii utriusque signaturae, and on 21 June 1434 he became auditor litterarum contradictarum which made him work in close contact with the cardinals Francesco Condulmer and Giordano Orsini, patriarch of Grado Biagio Molino, bishop of Cervia/Rimini Cristoforo Marcello, bishop of Concordia Daniele Scoti, bishop of Poreč and Trogir Angelo Cavazza, and the pope himself, both in Rome and in Florence during the 1430s. In the course of his busy curial career he witnessed important historical events such as the consecration of the Florentine cathedral Santa Maria del Fiore on 25 March 1436, or the Union of Latin and Greek Churches on 6 July 1439 in Florence. Bartholomeo's fidelity to the pope in the most difficult period of his pontificate, was rewarded with the appointment to the archbishopric of Florence at the end of 1439, followed by that of apostolic legate to France and England. Both of these offices would have led him to the cardinalate, had he not died in Sutri on 13 August 1445. He certainly showed considerable ability as he shrewdly balanced within two important, complex and complicated networks that animated his affairs. One was the University of Padua, led by teachers and students: a degree in canon and both laws could launch them to the successful Curial career. The other network was Roman Curia, delineated by the relationships internal to the Church hierarcy and personal favouritism.
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World Affairs Online
Glavni cilj disertacije je analizirati ideologiju glavnih predstavnika radikalne desnice u Poljskoj. Ova doktorska disertacija dizajnirana je kao studija slučaja unutar okvira kulturalnog pristupa u političkim znanostima. Kao metoda istraživanja odabrana je kombinacija kvalitativne analize sadržaja i konceptualne analize ideologije Michaela Freedena. Iako je najveći fokus istraživanja na dvjema političkim strankama (Zakon i pravda i Liga poljskih obitelji) kao glavnim predstavnicima radikalno desne političke scene u Poljskoj, istraživanje se bavi i drugim akterima, prije svega organizacijama civilnog društva, društvenim pokretima i medijima, koji sudjeluju u konstruiranju i promoviranju ideologije radikalne desnice. Pritom istraživanje nije ograničeno na sadržaj ideologije i aktere koji tu ideologiju promoviraju, već ono uključuje i analizu procesa putem kojih se ideologija radikalne desnice eksplicira i formulira, kao i analizu dinamičnih odnosa među akterima procesa proizvodnje ideologije doprinoseći istraživanju ideologije radikalne desnice kao i istraživanju procesa konstruiranja političkih ideologija općenito. Kao polazište za navedenu analizu u disertaciji se koristi ponešto modificirana definicija radikalne desnice poznatog politologa Casa Muddea prema kojoj su konstitutivna obilježja radikalne desnice integralni nacionalizam, autoritarnost i populizam. Analizom je utvrđeno kako su sve tri ideološke karakteristike tipične za radikalnu desnicu prisutne kod glavnih aktera istraživanih u ovoj disertaciji. Na tragu konceptualne analize, ova disertacija je pokazala kako središnji konstitutivni koncept radikalno desne ideologije u Poljskoj predstavlja nacija, i kako svi ostali okolni koncepti detektirani analizom, poput solidarnosti, jednakosti šansi, pravde, demokracije, slobode, zadobivaju svoje značenje na temelju svog odnosa prema središnjem konstitutivnom obilježju ideologije. ; In the last thirty years or so, the influence of the radical right has been constantly growing throughout Europe. This political success has been accompanied by an increasingly intensive scientific research on the phenomenon of the radical right, which has resulted in several studies that address various aspects of the radical right phenomenon in Europe. Paradoxically, despite such an abundance of research papers, their review suggests that there are relatively few papers that have a systematic and in-depth approach to the political ideology of the radical right. This doctoral dissertation fills this research gap and focuses on the political ideology of the radical right, taking into account the thesis of the well-known researcher of political ideologies Michael Freeden, that political ideologies are the center of political analysis because the study of ideologies can provide relevant insights necessary for understanding politics and political processes. In the context of the debate on the wave of radicalism in Europe, Poland is a particularly interesting case. Firstly, it is the largest and most populous post-communist country that became a member of the EU and a country in which the radical right won three parliamentary and three presidential elections between 2005 and 2020. Secondly, in academic papers and media Poland is often portrayed as an example of a country that has successfully gone through the process of transformation to liberal democracy and as an example of the most successful transition economy in Europe. The Polish case is also interesting because it is a a country with more than 90% of declared Catholics and where, primarily due to historical development, Catholicism plays a significant role in political, social, and cultural life; it has become a key component of the Polish national identity. In contrast to Western European countries, in Poland Political Catholicism, did not spark the development of strong Christian- Democratic parties, it rather gave rise to radical right-wing parties instead. In addition to cultural factors, historical heritage is often considered a fertile ground for the emergence of this type of parties, especially its influence on political processes and on the processes of building a national identity. Namely, the Polish historical heritage, specifically the one related to the 20th century, was marked by a short period of democratic rule (1918-1925), and two long periods of authoritarian rule, that of Jozef Pilsudski (1925 to 1939), and that of the communist authoritarians (1945 to 1989). Thus, the main goal of the dissertation is to analyze the ideology of the main representatives of the radical right in Poland by exploring its discursive manifestations, as well as the way in which the radical right ideology is produced. This doctoral dissertation is designed as a case study within the framework of a cultural approach in political sciences. The cultural approach is characterized by the insistence on the importance of context, which, on the other hand, makes it difficult to define clear independent, dependent, and intervening variables. Therefore, in the cultural approach, a case is most often taken as the analytical unit taking into consideration all the complexity of its historical and socio-political distinctiveness. Qualitative content analysis was chosen as the research method, and conceptual analysis of Michael Freeden's ideology was added to it, since this approach allows us to better understand the morphology of ideologies and their operationalization in politics. The first chapter is about the theoretical and methodological framework. Since the concept of the radical right is one of the deeply contested concepts which there is no consensus about in political science, and since the aim of this doctoral dissertation is to explain this concept, the first part of the chapter consists of a review and analysis of recent literature. The notion of the radical right was analyzed through comparison with related terms such as the extreme right, right-wing populism, and the far right. As a starting point for analysis in the dissertation, a somewhat modified definition of the radical right by the well-known political scientist Cas Mudde is used. According to him, the constitutive features of the radical right are integral nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism. Like the concept of the radical right, the concept of ideology is also ambivalent and can be understood in different ways which result in multiple uses of the term ideology which are often contradictory. This doctoral dissertation is largely based on the morphological approach to the study of ideology developed by Michael Freeden. The second chapter deals with the history of Poland before 1989. The first part of the chapter explains the early context of the emergence of Polish nationalism, which has its roots in the 'noble democracy' of the 17th century, as well as in the national struggles for independence of the 19th century. However, the chapter focuses on two periods that significantly influenced the emergence and growth of Polish political nationalism in the early 2000s. The first is the interwar period (1918-1939) in which two traditions of Polish political thought, Sanacja and Endeca, crystallized, and from which two visions of the Polish nation, national identity, and the nation-state, emerged. The second period is after the Second World War, i.e., the period of the People's Republic of Poland in which the legitimization and institutionalization of the nationalist discourse take place. Equally, in this period there emerged and formed social groups with different visions of the Polish state after the fall of communism. The third chapter deals with the transformation of the People's Republic of Poland into the The third Republic and with an account of political and social events in the first decade after the fall of communism. This chapter sheds light on the political and social context within which the dominant social divisions in Polish society emerged, which in large part resulted in the evolution of radical right-wing parties in the early 2000s. In particular, the very nature of the transformation process emerged as the main subject of dispute. Namely, the Polish right believes that due to the contractual transformation of the system, the 'revolution' is not over and that the left-liberal groups have made an agreement with the former communist establishment. They believe that the Third Republic is a product of this agreement and that it serves the left-liberal and former communist elites to maintain positions of power and rule the The third Republic to the detriment of the oppressed people. This conspiratorial narrative represents the foundation around which the politics and ideology of the radical right have been built in Poland since 2000. The fourth chapter deals with the emergence and profiling of two radical right-wing parties, Law and Justice (Polish: Prawo I Sprawiedliwość – PiS) and the League of Polish Families (Polish: Liga Polskich Rodzin – LPR) . The chapter is structured in such a way as to first present the history of the formation of these parties, with an emphasis on the main actors who participated as the originators and implementers of these projects. In both cases, these are largely the 'family projects' of the Kaczynski brothers (Law and Justice) and father and son Giertych (League of Polish Families). From the Kaczynskis' biographies, it is obvious that they come from an environment dominated by the legacy of Sanacja, while father and son Giertych openly presents themselves as the heirs of the interwar Endecja. After presenting their political activities and the first successes in the elections, the ideology of these two parties is reconstructed, primarily from their programs and other party publications. The research showed that until 2005 both parties contained all the constitutive elements of the radical right according to Mudde's conceptualization. While these constitutive elements have been present in the League of Polish Families since its founding, the party Law and Justice gradually became radicalized. This period, at least from the perspectives of PiS and LPR, is dominated by the conflict between the post-communist elites (former communists and left-liberal intellectuals) gathered around the left Democratic Left Alliance (Polish: Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) and the so-called "patriotic' camp that emerged from Solidarity. This chapter also covers the period between 2005 and 2007 when these two parties, together with the Self-Defense party, formed a government that lasted less than two years. This first, shorter coming to power of the radical right in Poland is not important because of the public policies they pursued during that period, but because of the experience and lessons gained by PiS during its rule in the liberal democratic system. Namely, after 2007, the LPR disappeared from the Polish political scene, leaving the PiS as the only relevant political actor of the radical right. The fifth chapter covers the period between 2007 and 2015. It is the period of rule by the Civic Platform (Polish: Platforma Obywatelska, PO), a center-right party with strong pro-EU views and liberal economic and social policies. Due to the disappearance of the left from the Polish political scene, the main social and political conflict underwent a radical change. PiS formulated a new conflict – the struggle between solidarity and liberal or corporate Poland – and built its ideology around this conflict. This period in Polish political and social life was marked by the immigration crisis that hit Europe and the debate on the acceptance of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women, the so-called Istanbul Convention. Both topics as well as the pro-European orientation of the PO government led to the mobilization of radical right-wing social groups and media that skillfully occupied public space by successfully imposing their topics on the public agenda. As this dissertation will show, PiS has adapted its discourse to that of radical right-wing organizations and has successfully presented itself as their political representative. On the one hand, this 'alliance' helped the PiS succeed in the 2015 presidential and parliamentary elections, while on the other it marked the further radicalization of the PiS, especially when it comes to issues of morals and values. The sixth chapter deals with the period between 2015 and 2020. During that period, the PiS won both the presidential and the parliamentary elections twice. This chapter emphasizes how PiS translates its ideology into public policies. Namely, during this period PiS focused its efforts on two projects: 'repairing the state' and rebuilding the community (nation). The first project was marked by the judicial reform and the crisis related to the Constitutional Court; it aimed to strengthen the executive branch to the detriment of other branches of government. The PiS community reconstruction project was conceived as a change in the material and spiritual dimension of the community. The first is mostly related to social policies, the emphasis being on family policies. Changes in the spiritual dimension imply changes in cultural policy, within which there has been a reform of public media and the announcement of the "recolonization" of private media. In changing the spiritual dimension, PiS placed special emphasis on the defense of the traditional way of life on the one hand, and on the politics of history on the other, in which the Institute of National Remembrance played an exceptional role. The seventh chapter takes the form of a final discussion in which the basic theses of the radical right ideology in Poland are reconstructed. The aim of this discussion is to position the topic of this dissertation within the framework of a broader theoretical discussion between liberals and their critics. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the main research results in this doctoral dissertation and points to the possible direction of future research, especially research of countries with a strong radical right and with a similar historical and cultural heritage. Equally, the conclusion points to the fact that this dissertation has not fully answered the research question related to finding out how ideology is constructed, and the actors involved in the process. Namely, the problem was the research design and selection of the analysis method. The conclusion is that a more complete answer to this research question would require some field research, preferably using the method of interview or survey. Finally, we believe that some future research on ideology should move in that direction.
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