Suchergebnisse

Dit boek vertelt het verhaal van de Europese slavernijgeschiedenis vanuit een Zuid-Hollands perspectief. Van de zestiende tot de negentiende eeuw speelde de koloniale wereld een steeds belangrijkere rol in de economie van Holland. De provincie werd een draaischijf voor Europese goederen, kapitaal, arbeid en kennis. Vooraanstaande Zuid-Hollandse regenten als Johan de Witt spanden zich in voor de slavenhandel. In de negentiende eeuw zorgde raciaal denken bij Zuid-Hollandse politici zoals Jan Willem Gefken of James Loudon voor het in stand houden van de koloniale hiërarchie en het uitbuiten van koloniale onderdanen.

This article engages in genealogical inquiry into Zwarte Piet (Black Pete), to gain deeper insight into the multiple semantic layers of this cultural icon. I argue that the 'roetpiet' (soot Pete) or chimney sweep is rooted in at least as solid an iconological tradition as that of the Moorish child slave. I infer some suggestions for non-offensive Sinterklaas celebrations from this historical excursion. While Zwarte Piet in his Moorish guise is indeed a flawed and racist trace of colonial slavery, his chimney sweep connotations may actually be of value to the cultural remembrance of the by now largely forgotten history of child labour that was so crucial to the early industrialization in Europe, and often still is to economies in the Global South.

"Zwart is zwart en wit is wit en tussen die twee gaapt een diepe kloof. Witte Nederlanders zijn aangetast door een taai racisme en het is hoog tijd dat ze daarvoor uitkomen. Dat is de boodschap van zwart-witpredikers die zeggen op te komen voor gekleurde Nederlanders. Hun claims worden in brede kring schuldbewust aanvaard. In 'Zwartkijkers' laat Herman Vuijsje zien dat het geconstrueerde onderscheid berust op overdrijving en generalisering. In werkelijkheid behoort Nederland tot de landen die het minst te lijden hebben van racisme. Zwart-witpredikers zijn zwartkijkers. Door het Nederlandse racisme op te kloppen, brengen ze het omgekeerde teweeg van wat zij beogen. Ze gaan het schrikbeeld van een gesegregeerde samenleving niet tegen maar brengen het juist naderbij."--

In this essay I discuss Buikema's ideas about the specific function of literature in times of social upheaval and political violence. Buikema resists the current tendency to reduce engaged novels to their political views and statements about the world. To their author's intentions, basically. A literary analysis has to do justice to the ways in which political themes are represented, which largely escape authorial control. Close (inter)textual analysis can arrive at different experiences of a work of art. Buikema illustrated this conviction with an analysis of Coetzee's Disgrace. I continue her analysis and read Disgrace for its stunning literary representation of hegemonic masculinity and how a white macho man is transformed and healed. Women and blacks guide him in this process.

In this chapter Rosemarie Buikema elaborates on how decolonial feminist artists and scholars are engaged in knowledge production by means of deploying a poetics of recycling as a way to re-orientate themselves towards the relation between the subject and the object of knowledge, matter and form, signifier and signifed. Buikema analyses the work of El Anatsui and Nandipha Mntambo to illustrate the power of this poetics of recycling and gives the example of an exhibition in which the Museum of Equality and Difference (MOED) re-curated the cultural heritage of abolitionism, giving centre stage to the black, previously enslaved woman Sojourner Truth, rather than the white Dutchman Nicolaas Beets. She concludes that the collective fijield of decolonial feminism envelops engaged scholars and artists like a sensitive skin that continuously responds to the context in which it fnds itself.

Political parties normally compete in elections individually. Yet, sometimes they join forces and form pre-electoral alliances. This rather unusual strategy contains both costs and benefits. In this article we try to identify those costs and benefits by opening up the black box of internal party decision making in considering pre-electoral alliance formation. We start by assuming that parties of different electoral sizes could have different motives to face the voter as one electoral list. Through in-depth interviews at the local level in Flanders, we have studied pre-electoral alliance formation for the municipal elections in 2006. We find that the arguments of large parties mainly focus on becoming the leading formation and thus claiming the initiative in coalition formation. Small parties have more varied motives for forming or failing to form a pre-electoral alliance. Adapted from the source document.