International Disputes in the Italian-Yugoslavian Borderlands
In: Les Cahiers Irice, Band 22, Heft 1, S. 117
ISSN: 2118-0067
In: Les Cahiers Irice, Band 22, Heft 1, S. 117
ISSN: 2118-0067
In: Eurostudia, Band 7, Heft 1-2, S. 1
ISSN: 1718-8946
In: Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique, Band 24, Heft 4, S. 411-457
John P. Le Donne, La réforme territoriale de l'Empire russe. 1775-1796. II: Les confins, 1777-1796.
Le présent article retrace l'extension de la réforme territoriale aux terres annexées au royaume de Pologne, à la Petite Russie, à la Nouvelle Russie, au territoire d'Orenburg et à la Sibérie. Il soutient la thèse que la réforme a considérablement accru le nombre des unités administratives et territoriales et leur personnel, en facilitant ainsi les rouages du gouvernement et en offrant un grand nombre de postes aux propriétaires terriens et aux officiers démobilisés. Les voevodstva polonais et les regimenty de Petite Russie servirent de base aux nouveaux gubernii. Le tracé des frontières des nouveaux gubernii et uezdy obéissait à des critères géographiques et économiques comme en Grande Russie, et la configuration qui en résultait, souvent si différente de celle des territoires avant leur incorporation dans l'Empire, traduisait le souci de créer des frontières stables. La réforme abolissait en fait les régions politiques et administratives, et cette ligne de conduite reflétait la convergence des intérêts de la noblesse de Grande Russie, de la šljahta polonisée et de la staršina cosaque.
In a context of political controversy around migration and border issues in the United States, the federal government has reinforced security in the borderlands on a continual basis over the last thirty years. It constructed barriers, deployed federal agents and put technology surveillance devices in place to make the border impermeable to migrants, drug traffickers and terrorists, whom the state defines as threats to its national security. If securing the border makes sense to state actors and non-state actors – such as private companies and anti-immigrant groups –, border residents think differently. Thanks to ethnographic research carried out in Douglas, Arizona and Agua Prieta, Sonora, completed by an approach combining the tools of political geography, international relations, sociology and history, this dissertation analyzes the discrepancy between what security means for the federal government, and the social, economic and cultural reality as lived by borderlanders. We point to the contradictory effects created by border security which, instead of bringing security as claimed by the state, creates forms of economic, human and environmental insecurity in border towns and among their inhabitants. The borderlanders, who predominantly live a binational life, organize local initiatives to denounce and resist security measures imposed by the state, thus providing a different definition of border security. ; Dans un contexte de controverses politiques autour des questions de frontière et de migrations ces trente dernières années aux États-Unis, l'État fédéral n'a eu de cesse de renforcer les mesures de sécurité dans les villes des borderlands. Ce dernier met en place des barrières, déploie des agents fédéraux et met en place des outils technologiques de surveillance pour rendre la frontière imperméable aux migrants irréguliers, trafiquants de drogues et terroristes, définis comme des menaces à la sécurité nationale. Si cette sécurisation fait sens aux yeux des autorités politiques et autres acteurs non-étatiques ...
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In a context of political controversy around migration and border issues in the United States, the federal government has reinforced security in the borderlands on a continual basis over the last thirty years. It constructed barriers, deployed federal agents and put technology surveillance devices in place to make the border impermeable to migrants, drug traffickers and terrorists, whom the state defines as threats to its national security. If securing the border makes sense to state actors and non-state actors – such as private companies and anti-immigrant groups –, border residents think differently. Thanks to ethnographic research carried out in Douglas, Arizona and Agua Prieta, Sonora, completed by an approach combining the tools of political geography, international relations, sociology and history, this dissertation analyzes the discrepancy between what security means for the federal government, and the social, economic and cultural reality as lived by borderlanders. We point to the contradictory effects created by border security which, instead of bringing security as claimed by the state, creates forms of economic, human and environmental insecurity in border towns and among their inhabitants. The borderlanders, who predominantly live a binational life, organize local initiatives to denounce and resist security measures imposed by the state, thus providing a different definition of border security. ; Dans un contexte de controverses politiques autour des questions de frontière et de migrations ces trente dernières années aux États-Unis, l'État fédéral n'a eu de cesse de renforcer les mesures de sécurité dans les villes des borderlands. Ce dernier met en place des barrières, déploie des agents fédéraux et met en place des outils technologiques de surveillance pour rendre la frontière imperméable aux migrants irréguliers, trafiquants de drogues et terroristes, définis comme des menaces à la sécurité nationale. Si cette sécurisation fait sens aux yeux des autorités politiques et autres acteurs non-étatiques – compagnies privées et groupes anti-immigrés notamment –, elle revêt une autre dimension pour les résidents frontaliers. Grâce à une enquête ethnographique menée à Douglas (Arizona) et Agua Prieta (Sonora), complétée par une approche combinant des méthodologies empruntées à la géographie politique, aux relations internationales, à la sociologie et à l'histoire, cette thèse s'attache à analyser le décalage entre ce qu'est la sécurité pour l'État, et ce qu'est la réalité sociale, économique et culturelle vécue par les habitants des borderlands. Elle révèle des effets contradictoires engendrés par la sécurité frontalière. Plutôt que d'assurer la sécurité telle que voulue par l'État, elle engendre des formes d'insécurité, d'ordre économique, humain et environnemental, pour les villes frontalières et leurs habitants. Les résidents frontaliers qui, pour la majorité, vivent une vie binationale, dénoncent et résistent aux mesures de l'État fédéral en organisant diverses initiatives locales, contribuant ainsi à apporter une définition différente de la sécurité frontalière.
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Proposing a detailed ethnography of inter-village relations on the Lao-Thai border, my work intends to analyze, on the one hand, the role of national and local uses of the past in the structuring and the establishment of social boundaries superimposed on the state borders and question the ambiguous relations that the different cross-border actors have with the nation-states, their history and their actors. On the other hand, by the description of the uses and the actors of the border my research questions the general affirmations established by a generation of researcher concerning the social and cultural continuity between the Lao and the Isan people, the latter who are the inhabitants of a region (northeast of Thailand) which is fundamental for the understanding of contemporary Thai politics. ; Proposant une ethnographie minutieuse des relations intervillageoises sur la frontière Lao-thaïlandaise, mon travail entend analyser, d'une part, le rôle des usages nationaux et locaux du passé dans la structuration et l'établissement de frontières sociales se superposant aux frontières étatiques et interrogent les relations ambigües que les différents acteurs transfrontaliers entretiennent avec les Etats-nations, leur histoire et leurs acteurs. D'autre part, par la description des usages et des acteurs de la frontière ma recherche questionne les affirmations générales établies par une génération de chercheur concernant la continuité sociale et culturelle des Lao et des habitants du nord-est thaïlandais, région fondamentale dans la compréhension de la politique thaïlandaise contemporaine.
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Proposing a detailed ethnography of inter-village relations on the Lao-Thai border, my work intends to analyze, on the one hand, the role of national and local uses of the past in the structuring and the establishment of social boundaries superimposed on the state borders and question the ambiguous relations that the different cross-border actors have with the nation-states, their history and their actors. On the other hand, by the description of the uses and the actors of the border my research questions the general affirmations established by a generation of researcher concerning the social and cultural continuity between the Lao and the Isan people, the latter who are the inhabitants of a region (northeast of Thailand) which is fundamental for the understanding of contemporary Thai politics. ; Proposant une ethnographie minutieuse des relations intervillageoises sur la frontière Lao-thaïlandaise, mon travail entend analyser, d'une part, le rôle des usages nationaux et locaux du passé dans la structuration et l'établissement de frontières sociales se superposant aux frontières étatiques et interrogent les relations ambigües que les différents acteurs transfrontaliers entretiennent avec les Etats-nations, leur histoire et leurs acteurs. D'autre part, par la description des usages et des acteurs de la frontière ma recherche questionne les affirmations générales établies par une génération de chercheur concernant la continuité sociale et culturelle des Lao et des habitants du nord-est thaïlandais, région fondamentale dans la compréhension de la politique thaïlandaise contemporaine.
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Proposing a detailed ethnography of inter-village relations on the Lao-Thai border, my work intends to analyze, on the one hand, the role of national and local uses of the past in the structuring and the establishment of social boundaries superimposed on the state borders and question the ambiguous relations that the different cross-border actors have with the nation-states, their history and their actors. On the other hand, by the description of the uses and the actors of the border my research questions the general affirmations established by a generation of researcher concerning the social and cultural continuity between the Lao and the Isan people, the latter who are the inhabitants of a region (northeast of Thailand) which is fundamental for the understanding of contemporary Thai politics. ; Proposant une ethnographie minutieuse des relations intervillageoises sur la frontière Lao-thaïlandaise, mon travail entend analyser, d'une part, le rôle des usages nationaux et locaux du passé dans la structuration et l'établissement de frontières sociales se superposant aux frontières étatiques et interrogent les relations ambigües que les différents acteurs transfrontaliers entretiennent avec les Etats-nations, leur histoire et leurs acteurs. D'autre part, par la description des usages et des acteurs de la frontière ma recherche questionne les affirmations générales établies par une génération de chercheur concernant la continuité sociale et culturelle des Lao et des habitants du nord-est thaïlandais, région fondamentale dans la compréhension de la politique thaïlandaise contemporaine.
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In: Études internationales, Band 39, Heft 3, S. 491
ISSN: 1703-7891
Through the study of the activity of border crossings, this research aims to analyze how the French colonial administration maintained order along the China-Vietnamese borderlands from 1895 to 1940 with their Chinese counterparts by checking various cross-border crimes committed on Tonkin by mobs from China: theft of cattle, raids against border villages, ambushes on roads, smuggling. But difficulties are important despite the action of the "partisans" who are the backbone to maintain order on the borderlands: weakness of the border crossings network, unhealthy climate, complexity of the topography. While the repression carried out by the regular troops is often successful in the event of mass incursions and is more akin to military operations than to policing law enforcement, cross border criminality of everyday life is checked with difficulties and underlines that stability on the borderlands are in the making. ; A travers l'étude de l'activité des postes frontaliers situés le long de la frontière chinoise, cette thèse de doctorat a pour objectif de retracer la manière dont l'administration française a tenté de maintenir l'ordre sur les confins septentrionaux du Vietnam de 1895 à 1940 conjointement avec leurs homologues chinois afin de maîtriser les illégalismes frontaliers commis sur le territoire tonkinois par des groupes venus de Chine, tout en élargissant le regard sur des pratiques migratoires à destination du Céleste empire condamnées et considérées comme du trafic d'êtres humains par les autorités françaises. En combinant à la fois approche statistique et analyse qualitative, cette recherche lève un pan de la vie quotidienne de la frontière à travers la criminalité transfrontalière. La faiblesse du maillage territorial, l'inexpérience relative des commandants de postes, l'insalubrité du climat et la complexité de la topographie de la région frontalière constituent autant de difficultés pour l'autorité coloniale afin de contrôler la frontière, malgré l'entretien d'un service de renseignements considéré ...
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Through the study of the activity of border crossings, this research aims to analyze how the French colonial administration maintained order along the China-Vietnamese borderlands from 1895 to 1940 with their Chinese counterparts by checking various cross-border crimes committed on Tonkin by mobs from China: theft of cattle, raids against border villages, ambushes on roads, smuggling. But difficulties are important despite the action of the "partisans" who are the backbone to maintain order on the borderlands: weakness of the border crossings network, unhealthy climate, complexity of the topography. While the repression carried out by the regular troops is often successful in the event of mass incursions and is more akin to military operations than to policing law enforcement, cross border criminality of everyday life is checked with difficulties and underlines that stability on the borderlands are in the making. ; A travers l'étude de l'activité des postes frontaliers situés le long de la frontière chinoise, cette thèse de doctorat a pour objectif de retracer la manière dont l'administration française a tenté de maintenir l'ordre sur les confins septentrionaux du Vietnam de 1895 à 1940 conjointement avec leurs homologues chinois afin de maîtriser les illégalismes frontaliers commis sur le territoire tonkinois par des groupes venus de Chine, tout en élargissant le regard sur des pratiques migratoires à destination du Céleste empire condamnées et considérées comme du trafic d'êtres humains par les autorités françaises. En combinant à la fois approche statistique et analyse qualitative, cette recherche lève un pan de la vie quotidienne de la frontière à travers la criminalité transfrontalière. La faiblesse du maillage territorial, l'inexpérience relative des commandants de postes, l'insalubrité du climat et la complexité de la topographie de la région frontalière constituent autant de difficultés pour l'autorité coloniale afin de contrôler la frontière, malgré l'entretien d'un service de renseignements considéré ...
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The memory of the war that opposed Peru's and Ecuador's armies from July to August 1941 has been darkened by the global blast and nationalist irreconcilable accounts. This study intends to do a total approach of the event that decisively shaped both nations by analyzing diplomatic, military, and media data. The 1941 battles are part of a longstanding regional process of nationalizing the borderlands, understood as state-building and the mandate to adopt exclusive national identity, where transborder populations were traditionally bi-national or no-national. This particular moment has been seized by those populations and by all political parties as a way to claim their national roots. Both Andean states were able to achieve the promise of nation-building even in borderlands where their presence had been extremely limited, specially in the Amazon region, integrating them into the imagined community. This incomplete fulfillment has been driven by the making of a state bureaucracy dominated by the armies that deployed their social ambition of a total institution, as by the international Pan-American system sharing the same border ideal, that improved its instruments of collective security. Borderlands defined by a lack of national and geographical definitions were replaced by a consensual and interiorized borderline. The Andean conflict may have closed a continental cycle that started with the process of independence. ; La mémoire de la guerre qui opposa les armées du Pérou et de l'Équateur en juillet et août 1941 a été opacifiée par la conflagration mondiale et par des récits nationalistes irréconciliables. À partir de l'usage croisé d'archives diplomatiques, militaires et médiatiques, ce travail entend pratiquer une approche totale de cet événement qui a contribué de manière décisive à la formation des deux nations. Les batailles de 1941 s'inscrivent ainsi dans un long processus régional de nationalisation des frontières, entendue comme étatisations concurrentes et injonction à adopter une identité nationale ...
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Avranchin occupies a border position within the Duchy of Normandy, sharing its western borders with Brittany, Maine and the lordship of Bellême. Territory considered at the same time as interface, periphery and interstice, it is also a living space, result of it own dynamic, organized by the societies that inhabit it. Through its relationship to power and its local ambitions, the aristocratic group, whose formation is the result of a complex and ancient process, constitutes an essential component of border identity.Far from being a desert region, Avranchin presents in the ninth century a political and social organization in which aristocratic families are integrated. This society, whose endogenous or exogenous character is unknown, appears as the obvious product of the Neustrian regnum. It is revealed in particular by the prism of the former administrative districts, the royal action or the role of bishops and hermits. Affected by the profound transformations of the Carolingian kingdom, aristocratic families are affected by the influence of the powerful family groups of Rorgonids and Robertians, whose strategy of domination of space is felt even in Avranchin. The Breton thrust of the middle of the ninth century and the political domination of the counts of Rennes accentuate the composite and multiscalar character of this society.When the dukes of Normandy, then the counts of Mortain, extend their authority over Avranchin during the eleventh century, the aristocratic group presents a certain form of continuity. The establishment of an institutional space is the result of a skilful construction, sometimes the result of a policy of accommodation and compromise, and relies on families outside the territory or formerly located in Avranchin. These shape their power around new logics and new loyalties, induced by the ducal or comtal control, the holding of administrative offices or the guarding of fortresses. They also organize their territories according to their own dynamics, sometimes around a prioral foundation or ...
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Avranchin occupies a border position within the Duchy of Normandy, sharing its western borders with Brittany, Maine and the lordship of Bellême. Territory considered at the same time as interface, periphery and interstice, it is also a living space, result of it own dynamic, organized by the societies that inhabit it. Through its relationship to power and its local ambitions, the aristocratic group, whose formation is the result of a complex and ancient process, constitutes an essential component of border identity.Far from being a desert region, Avranchin presents in the ninth century a political and social organization in which aristocratic families are integrated. This society, whose endogenous or exogenous character is unknown, appears as the obvious product of the Neustrian regnum. It is revealed in particular by the prism of the former administrative districts, the royal action or the role of bishops and hermits. Affected by the profound transformations of the Carolingian kingdom, aristocratic families are affected by the influence of the powerful family groups of Rorgonids and Robertians, whose strategy of domination of space is felt even in Avranchin. The Breton thrust of the middle of the ninth century and the political domination of the counts of Rennes accentuate the composite and multiscalar character of this society.When the dukes of Normandy, then the counts of Mortain, extend their authority over Avranchin during the eleventh century, the aristocratic group presents a certain form of continuity. The establishment of an institutional space is the result of a skilful construction, sometimes the result of a policy of accommodation and compromise, and relies on families outside the territory or formerly located in Avranchin. These shape their power around new logics and new loyalties, induced by the ducal or comtal control, the holding of administrative offices or the guarding of fortresses. They also organize their territories according to their own dynamics, sometimes around a prioral foundation or ...
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Avranchin occupies a border position within the Duchy of Normandy, sharing its western borders with Brittany, Maine and the lordship of Bellême. Territory considered at the same time as interface, periphery and interstice, it is also a living space, result of it own dynamic, organized by the societies that inhabit it. Through its relationship to power and its local ambitions, the aristocratic group, whose formation is the result of a complex and ancient process, constitutes an essential component of border identity.Far from being a desert region, Avranchin presents in the ninth century a political and social organization in which aristocratic families are integrated. This society, whose endogenous or exogenous character is unknown, appears as the obvious product of the Neustrian regnum. It is revealed in particular by the prism of the former administrative districts, the royal action or the role of bishops and hermits. Affected by the profound transformations of the Carolingian kingdom, aristocratic families are affected by the influence of the powerful family groups of Rorgonids and Robertians, whose strategy of domination of space is felt even in Avranchin. The Breton thrust of the middle of the ninth century and the political domination of the counts of Rennes accentuate the composite and multiscalar character of this society.When the dukes of Normandy, then the counts of Mortain, extend their authority over Avranchin during the eleventh century, the aristocratic group presents a certain form of continuity. The establishment of an institutional space is the result of a skilful construction, sometimes the result of a policy of accommodation and compromise, and relies on families outside the territory or formerly located in Avranchin. These shape their power around new logics and new loyalties, induced by the ducal or comtal control, the holding of administrative offices or the guarding of fortresses. They also organize their territories according to their own dynamics, sometimes around a prioral foundation or ...
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